The varsity’s Director Finance, Mohammad Abu Bakr, and Chief Security Officer, Syed Ejaz Hussain Shah, were arrested after the police discovered crystal ice and prohibited pills in Bakr’s possession during a routine check post stop. Similar circumstances led to Shah’s arrest three days earlier. During their investigations, the police found inappropriate videos, images of students and officials, and chats on their confiscated mobile phones.

The university confirmed receiving 22 complaints related to the incident and deemed it unfortunate, taking prompt action against the accused. However, the Vice Chancellor, Dr. Athar Mehboob, wrote to the Punjab Inspector General, claiming that the police’s actions were illegal and requested a transparent investigation by a senior official committee.

The university formed an internal committee to probe the matter and suspended both suspects. As a measure against drugs on campus, the university decided to conduct drug tests for all its employees, including the Vice Chancellor.

These shocking revelations mean that a place that was meant to make these female students educated and skilled contributors to society has instead rendered them victims of an oppressive patriarchal system.

Pakistan’s education system is plagued by alarming statistics, with the nation topping the worldwide list for out-of-school children. The country’s Bureau of Statistics reveals that only 5.07 percent of approximately 102 million women in Pakistan manage to finish their university education, revealing the gender disparity in higher education. 

This is one of the many recent incidents within educational institutions that are concerning. The harassment case involving the Vice-Chancellor of Gomal University who was reportedly a member of religious party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), similar cases of harassment at the Balochistan University, and the heartbreaking reports emerging from Islamia University Bahawalpur, all serve as stark reminders that the authorities are least concerned about protecting students. 

Among these incidents, the case of Mashal Khan stands out as a haunting reminder of the perils some face when challenging the status quo on campuses. Mashal Khan, a political activist, was lynched by his fellow students over blasphemy allegations on the campus of Mardan’s Abdul Wali Khan University in 2017. Before his brutal murder, he courageously spoke out against the administration’s alleged involvement in blackmailing and harassing female students within the university.

And the harassment against which Mashal Khan stood up continues even today. How can we watch silently while women’s dreams are shattered, and their potential goes unrealized? Shouldn’t our educational institutions be beacons of hope, fostering the growth of young minds irrespective of gender? Shouldn’t they be secure fortresses, where women’s intellect, ideas, and achievements are not just acknowledged but also celebrated?

One of the primary reasons university administrations get away with harassment is due to the power difference that exists between students and staff. In the student-staff scenario, the harasser holds a position of authority, enabling them to manipulate, coerce, and punish their victims. This power dynamic compels the victim to remain silent, fearing isolation, victim-blaming, negative impacts on their grades, and damage to their family’s “honor”.

These recent incidents have revealed a disturbing trend: some of the most highly educated individuals, holding prestigious doctorates and serving as esteemed parental figures to students, have been found harassing their own female students.

These alleged perpetrators, who are expected to be moral exemplars, have been exposed for engaging in reprehensible actions. They have been accused of exploiting their positions of authority to create compromising videos and pictures of their female students, subsequently using these materials to blackmail them into securing good marks in their exams. This blatant abuse of power tarnishes the very foundations of trust and respect that should exist within educational institutions.

Educational institutions are meant to be sanctuaries of hope that foster the growth of young minds irrespective of gender. But in Pakistan, female students face sexual harassment from people in positions of power within their universities.  

Moreover, the implications of such harassment extend beyond individual cases. The aftermath of the tragic accident at Balochistan University revealed another concerning aspect: numerous female students were reportedly compelled by their parents to leave the university, seemingly due to safety concerns and the prevailing atmosphere of vulnerability.

Now, as attention shifts to the Bahawalpur University case, we must not allow the same injustice to take place once again. Will these young women, eager to pursue their dreams through education, be subjected to similar torment and compelled to face the harsh reality of harassment within the supposed sanctum of learning?

Decades have passed since these issues have been raised by students and political activists, yet the authorities have constantly turned a blind eye. Students have been advocating for the formation of student unions and harassment committees in Pakistan, but to no avail. The government’s lack of attention stems from the fear that empowered students will demand their rights, equality, and raise their voices against such heinous crimes. The urgent need for student unions and harassment committees in Pakistani universities cannot be overstated.

It is time for the authorities to acknowledge the gravity of these issues and take decisive action to protect the rights and safety of students, particularly women, in our educational institutions. Establishing student unions and harassment committees will empower students to raise their voices against injustice and create a safer and more inclusive environment for all. 

Ikram Ullah Maseed

The post Female University Students in Pakistan Face Sexual Harassment And Authorities Are Complicit appeared first on Dissent Today.

In June, a sit-in organized  by the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) in former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) which continued for almost a month, was called off after the government assured that PTM workers, allegedly abducted by security forces, would be released within a week. But the promise remains unfulfilled, and the fate of the victims hangs in the balance. Those at the forefront of this fight against enforced disappearances are met with state’s highhandedness. The arrest of Pashtun MNA Ali Wazir and PTM worker Alamzeb Mehsud further highlights the challenges faced by those advocating for change. The voice of poet Gilamaan Wazir, an active PTM member, was silenced when he was abruptly abducted near Peshawar Airport, and reasons for his abduction remain undisclosed.

Despite Pakistan’s shift from military rule to democratic governance since 2008, the harrowing crime of enforced disappearances continues to plague its citizens. Numerous voices, including political activists, students, parliamentarians, human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers, have passionately raised concerns about this issue. The collective outcry against this grave violation resonates across the country. The halls of High Courts, the chambers of the Supreme Court, and the corridors of the parliament have echoed with the urgency to address this issue, yet, regrettably, the wheels of change seem hesitant to turn. The question that lingers, haunting the conscience of a nation, is why this dark chapter endures despite the clamor for change and the promise of democratic governance.

In June, a sit-in organized  by the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) in former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) which continued for almost a month, was called off after the government assured that PTM workers, allegedly abducted by security forces, would be released within a week. But the promise remains unfulfilled.

While the issue of enforced disappearances affects the entire nation, it is essential to recognize the concentration of cases in this particular region. The KP region has been a focal point of concern, as it has experienced a discernible surge in instances of enforced disappearances. This trend has prompted us to delve deeper into the underlying factors contributing to this unsettling phenomenon.

Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947, FATA remains an area of significant importance. To understand the current situation in these regions, it is crucial to trace back the historical roots that have shaped their governance landscape.

The legacy of European colonialism, with its inherent racial classification of people and territories, established a hegemonic system that enabled the exploitation of nations, marginalized classes, and communities. This hegemony, deeply rooted in the region, has had a lasting impact on the governance structures of KP and Ex-FATA.

The pivotal policy that set the stage for the current state of affairs can be traced back to Lord Curzon’s frontier policy, formulated during the British Raj. Under this policy, the territory previously managed by the Punjab region was deemed to be more effectively governed by the direct control of the government of India. Consequently, the British introduced the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) in 1901.

While the FCR laws were lifted from KP in 1956 and from Balochistan in 1973, they remained in effect in FATA until 2018. These regulations, stemming from the colonial era, profoundly impacted the governance of the region. Under the FCR, governance was entrusted to appointed political agents who held substantial powers and authority over the local population.

One of the most egregious aspects of the FCR was the denial of basic rights to individuals. They were not allowed to present evidence or have legal representation in court, rendering them vulnerable to arbitrary decisions. Furthermore, the absence of the right to appeal a conviction in court gave rise to a culture of impunity. The FCR also authorized collective punishment, further violating the fundamental rights and dignity of the people. Additionally, property confiscation added to the oppressive measures imposed upon the population.

After years of struggle and grievance against the heinous colonial-era system, some significant development took place when the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) government, in August 2011, made amendments to the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). However, a peculiar timeline emerges when we examine the events leading up to this amendment. Just one month prior, in June 2011, the Action in Aid of Civil Power Regulation 2011(AACPR) was implemented, which had been introduced in 2008. It is noteworthy that this regulation was applicable not only in FATA but also in PATA.

The introduction of the AACPR 2011 has been attributed to the military, which has faced criticism for opposing the amendments to the FCR. Amnesty International raised concerns, stating: “the Pakistan army was strongly opposed to these FATA reforms, and they were only approved by the president in August after the armed forces had been given sweeping powers and protections under the AACPR in June of the same year.” These gave military sweeping powers and replaced FCR, despite the elected representatives in the Parliament not being able to play a meaningful role in the affairs of FATA. Unfortunately it does not end here.

Despite the historic and long-awaited amendment passed by the National Assembly in 2018, merging FATA into KP and negating the effects of the FCR, the region still finds itself in the shadows. This amendment aimed to align ex-FATA with the laws and regulations passed by the provincial assembly of KP, operating under the constitution of Pakistan.

While this step was hailed as a positive development, the ground reality has proven to be different. Many common people remain unaware of the changes and the implications they bring. In addition, the matter concerning the regulation of the Action in Aid of Civil Power, which had significant implications for governance and rights, has yet to be adequately debated and addressed.

It did not take long for further complications to arise. The KP Actions (in aid of civil power) Ordinance, 2019, was issued by the provincial governor on August 5. The anticipated positive changes have taken an unexpected turn, as the regulation implemented in 2011, originally applicable only to FATA, has been extended almost identically to encompass the entire Khyber Pashtunkhwa (KP) region. Surprisingly, this ordinance was passed without the knowledge or involvement of the KP assembly.

The present ordinance diverges from the Qanun-i-Shahadat (Evidence Act) by deeming statements from armed forces members as sufficient evidence for convicting individuals, and by permitting the admission of all evidence collected by the internment authority without adhering to standard rules of scrutiny. This ordinance imposes harsh penalties, such as the death penalty, life imprisonment, and fines, for various offenses. Importantly, it denies abducted individuals or those in military custody the legal rights of appeal, access to legal representation, and the right to be heard before a court.

In terms of terminology, the ordinance defines “action in aid of civil power” as measures that involve the mobilization of armed forces to provide support to civil authorities. These measures continue until a written order for withdrawal is issued. The “defined area” refers to the specific region designated by the provincial government where armed forces are requisitioned to secure the territory and maintain peace.

Under this ordinance, provincial governments or their authorized representatives are granted the power to act as the interning authority. This authority allows them to detain individuals, even beyond the defined area. This controversial ordinance was initially declared unconstitutional by the Peshawar High Court but the decision was later suspended by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court formed a three-member bench to hear the petitions filed by the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the federal government in relation to the Peshawar High Court’s order. The Supreme Court suspended the High Court’s order until November 15 and announced that a larger bench would be constituted to examine the matter’s constitutionality.

Despite arguments presented in the Supreme Court, the Peshawar High Court declared the ordinance illegal, the controversial ordinance granting power to the military remains in effect. This situation highlights the existence of different laws within the same state, perpetuating the marginalization and continued colonization of these areas. It contradicts the establishment’s own claims that the regions have been cleared and safe for the residents.

Furthermore, the state’s response to peaceful protestors and human rights activists, particularly those associated with the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement advocating for their fundamental rights, has been harsh. The people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) continue to live in a state of fear. Unfortunately the people of KP find themselves lost in a series of transitions, encompassing the eras of British colonization, dictatorial rule, and democratic shifts. From the oppressive FCR and Shariat systems to subsequent regulations and ordinances, the recent developments have further complicated the situation. In simple words, contrary to expectations, it was not the merger of FATA into KP, but rather KP that was merged into FATA.

Ikram Ullah Maseed

The post Lost in Transition: Enforced Disappearances and the Never-Ending Plight of Ex-FATA appeared first on Dissent Today.