Footage and reports from the scene show leaders of Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ –widely understood as the rebranded form of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – delivering hard-line speeches in the afternoon just before the blast. The event included rhetoric targeting Shia beliefs and identity. While the rally itself did not turn violent, its timing and message have intensified scrutiny of the sectarian undercurrents that afflict Pakistan.

Who Are ASWJ/SSP?

ASWJ traces its roots directly to Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, a Sunni extremist organization founded in the 1980s with an explicitly anti-Shia agenda. SSP was outlawed in 2002, but has continually resurfaced under new names, including ASWJ, allowing its activists and leaders to operate in public political and religious spaces.

Human rights reports and country analyses also document widespread incitement of hatred and violence against Shia Muslims by extremist clerics and groups in Pakistan, with rhetoric tolerated across many regions even when overt violence declines.

A history of anti-Shia violence

Shia Muslims – a minority in predominantly Sunni Pakistan – have been recurrent targets of sectarian violence over decades. Studies and historical records show thousands of Shias killed in militant attacks by groups that include violent offshoots of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and Islamic State affiliates. These groups have on several occasions vowed to “rid Pakistan of Shias.”

Notable historical instances include the 1963 Therhi massacre in Sindh, where more than a hundred Shias were killed in a sectarian attack, and the 1988 Gilgit massacre, in which estimates place Shia fatalities in the hundreds amid targeted violence. Mass bombings in Quetta’s Shia-dominated neighborhoods and targeted killings also claimed hundreds of lives from 2010-2013.

More recently, a mass shooting ambush on a convoy of Shia travellers in Kurram District in late 2024 killed at least 54 people — one of the deadliest sectarian assaults in years.

These attacks are part of a long pattern of sectarian militancy in Pakistan, where extremist groups have periodically targeted Shias during worship, pilgrimage or travel.

Pakistan blames the “foreign hand”

In the aftermath of Friday’s Islamabad blast, Pakistani authorities have placed strong emphasis on foreign involvement in the attack.

Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi said investigators had identified suspects with links to militants in Afghanistan and alleged support from foreign actors, including India – claims that Indian officials have called “baseless and pointless.”

The Islamic State’s Pakistan affiliate has also claimed responsibility for the bombing, underscoring the role of transnational extremist networks in attacking Shia targets.

However, critics argue that focusing on external blame may obscure the deep-rooted history of sectarian hatred and organized anti-Shia activity inside Pakistan, including groups like ASWJ/SSP whose rhetoric and mobilisation have helped normalise social hostility toward religious minorities.

Civil society advocates warn that without confronting these internal dynamics – including public hate speech and the continued operation of sectarian networks – Pakistan’s recurring cycles of violence against Shias will persist alongside any foreign threats.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Overlooking Homegrown Hate, Pakistan Hesitates to Call Islamabad Blast Anti-Shia Violence appeared first on Dissent Today.

Islamabad – Shafiullah Jan, special assistant to the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) chief minister, appeared to refuse to categorically label the banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) a “terrorist organization” in an interview with a national news anchor last week – drawing sharp criticism from opponents, activists and media commentators.

At a press appearance this week, federal Information Minister Attaullah Tarar played a video clip in which Jan was asked whether the outlawed TTP is a terrorist group. Jan declined to give an unequivocal “yes,” saying “there are groups within the TTP and those who are against the state are terrorists.”

The federal minister seized on the remarks, accusing Jan and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) of soft-pedaling Pakistan’s insurgent threat and extended an “olive branch” to militants.

“The spokespersons of the political party are afraid of talking about the terrorist group,” Tarar said, claiming that PTI leaders fear being attacked by the TTP and therefore won’t condemn them outright.

The comments reignited long-standing debates in Pakistan about counterterrorism, messaging and political strategy — and drawn fire on social media from journalists and activists.

“Inexcusable behavior. You cannot complain or clutch pearls about being smeared as terror sympathizers when your own government’s spokesman can’t muster the bare bones clarity or spine to call the mass murdering butchers of TTP a terrorist group,” wrote activist Ammar Rashid on X.

Raza Haroon, a former provincial minister, wrote: “#PTI appears visibly confused and lacking clarity. Today, the party’s Secretary General, @salmanAraja, categorically acknowledged the #TTP as a terrorist organisation, ironically on the same show..”, adding, “This only exposes the party’s persistent policy incoherence and internal contradictions.”

Some commentators also mentioned older controversies around incarcerated former premier Imran Khan’s statements on militant figures.

In June 2020, Khan drew international and domestic rebuke when he used the Urdu word “shaheed” (martyr) to describe slain Osama bin Laden during a National Assembly speech – language critics said blurred the line between strategic critique of U.S. foreign policy and reverence for a globally designated terrorist.

Opposition leaders at the time said bin Laden was “a terrorist through and through,” pointing to the attacks he orchestrated at home and abroad, including against Pakistani citizens, and questioning the prime minister’s choice of words.

The TTP has been proscribed in Pakistan for years and is widely accused of orchestrating deadly attacks across the country, particularly in the north-west.

Against that backdrop, critics argue that any ambiguity in public rhetoric undermines counterterrorism efforts and emboldens extremist narratives.

Political rhetoric that fails to clearly denounce militant groups like the TTP is problematic because it dilutes public understanding of the threat the group poses and weakens a unified national response to ongoing violence, including numerous recent attacks the TTP has carried out in Pakistan.

Ambiguous language from political figures, especially when they avoid plainly calling an active militant group a terrorist organization, can create confusion among citizens about who is a threat and why, making it harder to sustain broad support for the hard security and legal measures needed to counter the challenge, especially given that there has been a resurgence of the TTP threat recently.

Analysts and security experts have noted that shifting or evasive narratives around the TTP have left the Pakistani public “poorly informed and confused about the nature of the threat,” and have at times emboldened the insurgents by suggesting there might be political space for negotiation without accountability, a distinction crucial for effective counterterrorism policy and public resilience.

This ambiguity also has real implications for national cohesion and counterterror strategy. When elected officials hedge on defining terrorism, it can erode confidence in government commitment to security policy, weaken cross-party cooperation on counterterrorism, and even be exploited by militants in their propaganda, which actively seeks to shape narratives in their favor.

Such rhetoric risks normalizing extremist violence in public discourse and undermines long-standing frameworks like Pakistan’s National Action Plan, which was built on broad consensus to crack down on terrorism and eliminate proscribed organizations.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post PTI’s Ambiguous Rhetoric on Taliban Is Dangerous for Pakistan’s Counter-Extremism Efforts appeared first on Dissent Today.

ISLAMABAD – Militants in Pakistan’s volatile Waziristan region have escalated attacks on educational institutions just days before the end of 2025.

On Thursday, unidentified assailants detonated explosives at the Government Primary School in the Khushhali area of Ayaz Kot village in North Waziristan. According to reports, the attack obliterated much of the building and left more than 600 students without a classroom.

No group has claimed responsibility so far.

The attack follows a broader pattern of violence in the former tribal district, where armed groups have targeted schools amid a rise in terror attacks.

In December of last year, the United Nations special rapporteurs wrote a letter to the government of Pakistan, voicing their concerns over militant assaults on girls’ schools in the country.

In the letter, Farida Shaheed, special rapporteur on the right to education; Reem Alsalem, special rapporteur on violence against women and girls; and Laura Nyirinkindi, chair-rapporteur of the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls, called on the government of Pakistan to protect the fundamental right of women and girls to receive a safe and secure education.

“We are troubled by the persistent terrorist attacks targeting girls’ schools by groups opposing the education of women and girls. While all attacks on schools are reprehensible, those specifically aimed at girls’ institutions discourage women and girls from pursuing education, thereby reinforcing discrimination and societal inequalities,” the letter read.

Further, they requested information from the government regarding the investigations and actions being taken to safeguard girls’ schools in Waziristan.

Militants have bombed or burned girls’ schools in both North and South Waziristan, often citing opposition to female education.

Parents and rights advocates say the latest school bombing undermines efforts to expand schooling in a region where access to education, especially for girls, remains limited.

“This school was the only beacon of hope for our children,” one local elder was quoted as saying by Dawn, lamenting how the blast threatens young students’ futures.

Security challenges persist across Pakistan’s northwest, with Pakistani forces conducting counter-terror operations even as violence affects civilian life.

The rise in school attacks adds to mounting concerns about safety and the ability of the state to protect basic services in former conflict zones. Observers note that attacks on schools resonate widely in Pakistan, evoking memories of past high-profile assaults on educational institutions by extremists.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post 600 Students Affected As Blast Destroys Government School in Waziristan appeared first on Dissent Today.

Tirah Valley, Pakistan – After three months of fighting for her life, five-year-old Aliya died on October 8 — the innocent casualty of a summer drone strike that shattered her quiet village in Pakistan’s troubled Tirah Valley. She was the youngest of six children of Adnan, a 35-year-old tractor driver.

On July 19, she and a group of children were playing in the sunshine when the drone strike took place. A single shot to her head left her unconscious and paralyzed, and several classmates wounded.

Since that day, Adnan poured 800,000 PKR (about $2830) into medical care, sinking deeper into debt without even fully knowing the sum.

“I don’t know how much more I will spend on my child,” he had told Dissent Today just days before his daughter’s death.

Until the very end, Adnan clung to hope. “Even if no one helps us, I want to see my daughter walk and smile again,” he said.

“I will do whatever I can so she can play and talk with us like before.”

But in the end, that hope slipped away.

The drone strike that killed Aliya in a small town in Pakistan’s restive northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province was part of Islamabad’s fresh counter-terrorism strategy under Operation Azm-e-Istehkam (literally, “Resolve for Stability”).

Launched in June 2024, this reinvigorated campaign includes frequent use of drone strikes – including both high-altitude drones and quad-copters — to carry out intelligence-led, precision strikes in the country’s border regions.

But drone warfare is not new here.

Since the early 2000s, the United States has carried out hundreds of drone strikes targeting militants, especially in the then-Federally Administered Tribal Areas (now merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), often provoking debates about civilian harm and accountability.

The strikes, directed under various command structures including the CIA, left deep scars.

The first known drone strike in Pakistan took place on June 19, 2004. Over time, what began as periodic covert operations escalated into a prolonged campaign. Between the Bush and the first Trump presidencies, at least 414 strikes were documented, mostly under former U.S. President Barack Obama. Estimates place civilian deaths and injuries between 2,366 and 3,702.

Now, a new wave of drone strikes is once again claiming civilian lives — this time carried out not by the U.S., but by the Pakistani military, with little public debate.

Last Saturday, less than two months after Aliya’s death, another drone — a quadcopter — struck a wedding ceremony in the same Tirah Valley, injuring eight people, including children.

Lawmakers in Pakistan’s National Assembly strongly condemned the latest strike. Voices from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan called the drone attack an “insult” to the province and demanded a commission to investigate.

Human rights groups say the strikes, increasingly carried out using quadcopter and other UAVs, have killed scores of civilians.

In June, Amnesty International reported that at least 17 civilians, including five children, have died in these operations in 2025. Local protests erupted after a suspected quadcopter attack in South Waziristan killed a child and wounded others that month.

According to reports, both the military and militant groups are carrying out these strikes. The devices are used either for surgical, short-range attacks or to drop explosives on specific targets. Unlike earlier campaigns, the newer strikes are frequently occurring closer to densely populated civilian areas.

Local human rights activist Alamzeb Mahsood, who has been documenting these attacks, told Dissent Today that most civilian casualties result from military operations. He explained that militant groups usually know their own targets, but the military often struggles to locate them precisely — a failure that leads to the deaths of civilians, including women and children.

On the morning of October 23, a man and his daughter lost their lives in what appeared to be a quadcopter drone attack.

Earlier, on September 22, more than 20 civilians, including women and children, were killed in Tirah when bombs allegedly dropped by aircraft struck residential neighborhoods.

Security sources claimed the blast came from militants’ own stockpiles. However, local leaders and activists insisted it was a strike on unarmed civilians.

Then-Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur responded with a compensation announcement of ₨10 million to each victim’s family, calling the deaths “regrettable and condemnable.”

Mahsood has documented around 45 drone strikes in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2025, many of which were initially denied by authorities and only acknowledged — often with compensation for affected families — once independent proof emerged.

He notes that many more strikes likely go unreported, especially in remote districts like Waziristan, Bajaur, Bannu, and Khyber, because these areas are difficult to access.

According to residents interviewed by Dissent Today, there was no warning before many of these strikes — they came without notice and hit civilians, including women and children.

A senior security official, speaking anonymously, argued that local resistance complicates matters: militant groups often use homes in targeted areas as shelter, making precise operations difficult and raising the risk to civilians.

Lives Shattered, Homes Abandoned

Shamshad Khan, 23, lives in Loi Mamund, Bajaur. On August 30, he was injured in a drone strike — he lost the use of one leg. His younger sister was also wounded; she now suffers from frequent headaches.

The family fled immediately, despite previous military assurances their home was safe. Local elders had asked authorities about safety in advance, and were told they had nothing to fear.

“There are moments when I think, why did we trust them?” Khan says. There was no official aid. To reach medical help, he was carried by neighbors to a road with no vehicles, then transported by bicycle to where help was available.

The Psychological Cost

Far beyond the physical injuries, survivors describe a haunting toll: fear, nightmares, anxiety, a sense that safety is a lie.

12‑year‑old Ishaal from Kambar Khel in Tirah Valley is among them. A drone struck her home; she and other family members were wounded.

“I used to dream the Taliban were coming and killing us,” she told Dissent Today. Her mother would wake her, hold her, and tell her she was safe. But the fear remains, rooted in her sleep and waking hours alike.

No precise government statistics track these new drone and quadcopter strikes. Local authorities say they lack comprehensive data, making accountability difficult.

The Counter‑Terrorism Department, when pressed, confirmed to Dissent Today that they do not maintain exact numbers for many of the incidents.

Without clarity, victims are left without recourse.

After last week’s strike, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leaders, who head the provincial government, warned that any civilian casualties would be unacceptable — and threatened to file a case against the federal government if no militants were proven to have been present during the strike.

Back in Bar Qambar Khel, in the heart of Tirah Valley, Aliya’s father now lives under a heavy shadow of grief — his suffering, and that of countless other families, is still ignored by Pakistan’s mainstream politicians and media.

Jamaima Afridi

The writer is a freelance journalist based in the border area between Pakistan and Afghanistan. She writes about women’s rights, religious freedom, climate change, refugees, and human rights issues across Pakistan, specifically in conflict zones.

The post Unseen Victims: How Pakistan’s Drone War is Haunting Tirah Valley appeared first on Dissent Today.

Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by land, bordering Afghanistan and Iran. It is rich in minerals and resources, but it has long suffered from poverty, underdevelopment, and weak political representation. 

Despite its strategic importance and its contributions, the voices of ordinary Baloch citizens are rarely heard in national debates.

Over the last year, Balochistan has been racked by escalating violence and systematic suppression of dissent. The arrests of leaders human rights activists like Dr. Mahrang Baloch and others connected with their group, Baloch Yakjehti Committee, reflect a government approach that favors coercion over conversation.

Several recent assassination attempts make this clear. In March of this year, my father, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, narrowly escaped a suicide bombing near a rally he was leading from Wadh to the capital, Quetta, in a mountainous district called Mastung. 

On September 2, in Quetta, a bomb exploded in the parking area after a memorial gathering for my grandfather, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, killing at least eleven people and injuring many more just as the event was ending. It was obvious the gathering itself was the target.

These attacks are meant to send a warning that political expression is allowed only on the state’s terms. Weeks have passed without serious inquiry or accountability. When Balochistan has no electoral impact, its concerns vanish from the spotlight. Its political space has shrunk through arrests, harassment, and threats. Once this void forms, restoring trust becomes extremely difficult.

Despite large budgets allocated for “security,” protection of lives does not follow. I remember watching news of disasters like the Jaffarabad Express tragedy and the casualties at my grandfather’s death anniversary. The urgency, which should come with such loss of life, was missing.

National politics treats Balochistan only as a bargaining chip — when votes are needed to pass controversial legislation or to form coalitions. But increasingly, even that limited influence is slipping, as handpicked representatives dominate assemblies and legislation passes without meaningful negotiation.

On the international stage, Balochistan is often framed as a place of resource opportunity — where mining, oil, gas, and ports matter for foreign investors. But the disparity between those economic narratives and the lived reality is stark. Communities remain underdeveloped, suffer human rights abuses, and see little benefit from the projects supposed to lift them.

There is also a trend of simplifying Baloch grievances into accusations of “foreign interference,” allowing governments to avoid real accountability. Meanwhile, people inside Pakistan who oppose or criticize repressive policies are punished or ignored. Opposition parties speak loudly about Baloch issues only when they are out of power. Once in power, they often fall silent, offering phrases like “we were constrained, what can we do?” — which only deepen the sense that suffering is rhetorical, not real.

To break this cycle, meaningful change is essential.

• End arbitrary arrests. Let political activists and human rights defenders work without fear.
• Create a credible, independent truth and reconciliation commission to address enforced disappearances and abuse.
• Ensure that local communities have a genuine say in decisions about resource extraction and development, so that they see benefits themselves.
• Shift from militarized security toward civilian governance, especially in cities where political expression must be protected.
• Invest in education, entrepreneurship, and civic engagement so young people see that politics can be a path to change — not a dead end.

This moment is dangerous but not irreversible. If the state does not act, the gulf of disillusionment will grow. If voices are silenced, unrest will grow. Dialogue, inclusion, and justice remain our only way forward.

Amid violence and unrest, Balochistan’s youth are waiting for reasons to believe in politics again. The responsibility now rests with those in power to offer those reasons before trust is lost permanently. It may feel like time has run out, but it is not yet over.

Banari Mengal

The writer is the co-founder of the NGO BYAC, which focuses on advocacy and community initiatives in Balochistan, Pakistan.

The post Why Balochistan’s Youth No Longer Trust Politics appeared first on Dissent Today.

Mengal has filed his nomination papers for the National Assembly constituency NA-263, Quetta- II from the platform of Pakistan Rah-e-Haq Party, which is an alternate name for the ASWJ. The ASWJ changed its name after it was banned along with other militant organizations, registering with the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) with the new name.

Since 2013, a significant number of Shia Muslims, predominantly from the Hazara ethnic group, have lost their lives in Balochistan province due to deliberate attacks involving shootings and bombings. Mengal was arrested many times in the past few years during investigations into these attacks.

He has often been seen leading rallies inciting hatred and violence against the Shia community, which his group considers “infidel.” Militant organization Lashkar-e-Jhangvi of which Mengal has been a part, aims to eradicate Shias from Pakistan.

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The post Extremist Figure Involved In Targeted Killings Of Shias Is Contesting The Upcoming Elections appeared first on Dissent Today.

While speaking to the attendees of the meeting, he reportedly emphasized that there is no room for intolerance or extreme actions by any group towards anyone, especially minorities and marginalized members of society.

But among those who were invited to the GHQ for this meeting with the army chief was Ahmad Ludhianvi, an extremist cleric who heads the anti-Shia outfit Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), which is a sister organization of the banned outfit Sipah Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). Ludhianvi is on record inciting violence against Pakistan’s Shia Muslim community on several occasions.

Ludhianvi has been placed on the 4th Schedule of Anti Terrorism Act (ATA) many times. Individuals are placed on the fourth schedule over their association with banned outfits and their movement is restricted to avoid a potential threat to public order.

The extremist cleric has a long history of issuing hateful remarks against the Shia community. In 2015, Ludhianvi appeared on a talk show on Geo News where he said that he does not consider Shias Muslim.

ASWJ, the outfit he currently heads, is a new name for the notorious militant organization SSP, which has been involved in targeted killings of the Shia community in Pakistan. Ludhianvi was also an ally of Malik Ishaq, the former head of the globally designated terror group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), whose stated mission is to rid Pakistan of Shias.

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