Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by land, bordering Afghanistan and Iran. It is rich in minerals and resources, but it has long suffered from poverty, underdevelopment, and weak political representation. 

Despite its strategic importance and its contributions, the voices of ordinary Baloch citizens are rarely heard in national debates.

Over the last year, Balochistan has been racked by escalating violence and systematic suppression of dissent. The arrests of leaders human rights activists like Dr. Mahrang Baloch and others connected with their group, Baloch Yakjehti Committee, reflect a government approach that favors coercion over conversation.

Several recent assassination attempts make this clear. In March of this year, my father, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, narrowly escaped a suicide bombing near a rally he was leading from Wadh to the capital, Quetta, in a mountainous district called Mastung. 

On September 2, in Quetta, a bomb exploded in the parking area after a memorial gathering for my grandfather, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, killing at least eleven people and injuring many more just as the event was ending. It was obvious the gathering itself was the target.

These attacks are meant to send a warning that political expression is allowed only on the state’s terms. Weeks have passed without serious inquiry or accountability. When Balochistan has no electoral impact, its concerns vanish from the spotlight. Its political space has shrunk through arrests, harassment, and threats. Once this void forms, restoring trust becomes extremely difficult.

Despite large budgets allocated for “security,” protection of lives does not follow. I remember watching news of disasters like the Jaffarabad Express tragedy and the casualties at my grandfather’s death anniversary. The urgency, which should come with such loss of life, was missing.

National politics treats Balochistan only as a bargaining chip — when votes are needed to pass controversial legislation or to form coalitions. But increasingly, even that limited influence is slipping, as handpicked representatives dominate assemblies and legislation passes without meaningful negotiation.

On the international stage, Balochistan is often framed as a place of resource opportunity — where mining, oil, gas, and ports matter for foreign investors. But the disparity between those economic narratives and the lived reality is stark. Communities remain underdeveloped, suffer human rights abuses, and see little benefit from the projects supposed to lift them.

There is also a trend of simplifying Baloch grievances into accusations of “foreign interference,” allowing governments to avoid real accountability. Meanwhile, people inside Pakistan who oppose or criticize repressive policies are punished or ignored. Opposition parties speak loudly about Baloch issues only when they are out of power. Once in power, they often fall silent, offering phrases like “we were constrained, what can we do?” — which only deepen the sense that suffering is rhetorical, not real.

To break this cycle, meaningful change is essential.

• End arbitrary arrests. Let political activists and human rights defenders work without fear.
• Create a credible, independent truth and reconciliation commission to address enforced disappearances and abuse.
• Ensure that local communities have a genuine say in decisions about resource extraction and development, so that they see benefits themselves.
• Shift from militarized security toward civilian governance, especially in cities where political expression must be protected.
• Invest in education, entrepreneurship, and civic engagement so young people see that politics can be a path to change — not a dead end.

This moment is dangerous but not irreversible. If the state does not act, the gulf of disillusionment will grow. If voices are silenced, unrest will grow. Dialogue, inclusion, and justice remain our only way forward.

Amid violence and unrest, Balochistan’s youth are waiting for reasons to believe in politics again. The responsibility now rests with those in power to offer those reasons before trust is lost permanently. It may feel like time has run out, but it is not yet over.

Banari Mengal

The writer is the co-founder of the NGO BYAC, which focuses on advocacy and community initiatives in Balochistan, Pakistan.

The post Why Balochistan’s Youth No Longer Trust Politics appeared first on Dissent Today.

“Will anyone come? We have been waiting for so many days,” asked a Baloch mother, grasping my hand in hope of good news. Another mother, Zar Gul, whose son Saeed Ahmed was forcibly disappeared in 2013, joined in, holding my other hand and saying, “Maybe this time we’ll bring our sons home.”

These past fifty-plus days in Islamabad have been an emotional whirlwind for anyone visiting the Baloch families’ camp near the National Press Club in F‑6 sector. The women’s stories are so harrowing that they often collapse while recounting their ordeal — seeing their sons abducted by plainclothes men who broke into their homes; enduring ten years of agonizing waiting, searching for answers in courts and on the streets; holding fifteen years of hope that their brothers remain alive as they were when taken before their eyes.

The Baloch National Movement’s human rights department, Paank, reported that in the first half of 2025 alone, 785 cases of enforced disappearances and 121 extrajudicial killings were documented.

The Defence of Human Rights has documented 3,140 cases since 2006, with 1,362 victims still missing. In 2025, 32 new cases were reported.

Only the families enduring this cruel, collective, and relentless punishment truly understand what each second of the day feels like. Their cries seem to go unheard in the corridors of power just streets away — no government minister has visited the camp to date. This government’s apathy is so stark and the war on its citizens so brazen that even the fiction of engagement with these elderly women and young girls has been abandoned.

The callousness is further illustrated by the authorities’ refusal to allow the peaceful protesters to set up camp for shelter outside the Press Club. Much like they are caged in Balochistan, these women are now confined to a narrow road, surrounded by barriers and barbed wire — a chilling reminder of that treatment during the 2023 Baloch long march to Islamabad.

During the freezing winter of 2023, many of them were attacked with water cannons and sticks as they peacefully protested. Many, including young Mahzaib (niece of forcibly disappeared Rashid Hussain), were unlawfully arrested, detained, and loaded into buses to be forcibly sent back to Balochistan.

Although the Baloch Yekjehti Committee has made significant strides in advocating for human rights, its impact has been severely hampered by the detention of its leadership, most notably Dr. Mahrang Baloch, its founder and a globally recognized human rights activist.

Dr. Baloch has now been detained since March 22, following a peaceful sit-in protesting state violence.

Her imprisonment has deeply affected the community. Elderly mothers at the protest camp have shown me photographs of their sons and said, “Mahrang raised her voice for them. Now, we will raise our voice for Mahrang.”

Moreover, almost the entire leadership of the Committee is now behind bars. This includes Sebghetullah Shah Jee, Beebarg Baloch, Beebow Baloch, and Gulzadi Baloch.

The legal process surrounding these detentions reflects a persistent pattern of arbitrary and prolonged incarceration. The authorities have repeatedly invoked the colonial-era Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) law — originally enacted in 1960 — allowing detention without formal charges. Even when the judicial system convenes hearings, the prosecution repeatedly fails to present credible evidence, yet the detainees remain imprisoned.

These women and girls are not just here for their loved ones – they are here to demand the release of those brave leaders who carried the grief of the Baloch people on their shoulders. They remember the Long March with Dr. Mahrang to Islamabad in 2023.

Though the state succeeded in breaking the hope of many — as seen in the much smaller number who returned this year — even the stubborn hope held by these few women sends a powerful message to the people of Pakistan: no matter how heartless the state’s response, the path of peaceful resistance must not be abandoned.

Passersby often approach the camp and ask, “Why have they been sitting here so long? Has anyone from the government come to speak to them yet?” When told that no one has come despite more than a month of protest, through scorching heat and torrential downpour, they merely sigh and move on. But these women cannot move forward, as their lives remain forever suspended.

There is no doubt that enforced disappearances are Pakistan’s greatest crisis — the clearest indication of a total breakdown in rule of law in a society that tolerates this atrocity. Impunity is entrenched: not a single perpetrator has been identified or brought to justice.

Worse still, impunity has grown in recent months, especially since the 26th Constitutional Amendment. 

Baloch families have always faced significant challenges in registering cases for crimes committed against them. But following recent amendments, police have begun to outright refuse the registration of abduction First Information Reports (FIRs) — even when the Islamabad High Court is actively hearing a habeas corpus petition or has issued a court order.

Habeas corpus petitions, which were once heard promptly — often the same or next day — are now delayed due to frivolous administrative objections, even when hearings are scheduled. New judges at the Islamabad High Court have started to decline directing police to register abduction FIRs immediately, even in cases where previous court interventions had led to the recovery of missing persons, as in the Ahmad Farhad case.

The state has given its people nothing to hope for. Yet against all odds, these courageous mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives still find hope. They refuse to give up. Their loved ones may be missing, but they will not be forgotten. 

The state must remember: this pain cannot be erased, and the peaceful struggle against enforced disappearances cannot be ignored — doing so risks irreparable damage to the integrity of the federation.

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post In Islamabad, State’s Apathy on Full Display as Baloch Families Hold Protest Camp appeared first on Dissent Today.

A fact-finding mission by the HRCP released its findings in a report Wednesday, saying that the province is facing a “shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity.”

According to the HRCP, enforced disappearances have continued in the province. It added that civic space is rapidly diminishing, provincial autonomy is being eroded, and public trust is plummeting under unchecked repression.

“The mission’s findings reveal a disturbing pattern of continued enforced disappearances, shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity—conditions that continue to fuel public alienation and political instability,” noted the report.

The HRCP warned that unless Pakistan abandons coercive methods and embraces a political, rights-based resolution, Balochistan could spiral further into instability — with implications extending far beyond the province’s borders.

Civil society activists, particularly groups like the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), are being targeted under terrorism allegations in the province.

HRCP warned this crackdown has “only deepened alienation, especially among the youth,” and demanded legal recognition and protection for activists.

Activism in the province remains dangerously suppressed. Mahrang Baloch, a prominent rights advocate, has been jailed since March. Writing from prison, she denounced the misuse of counter-terror laws to stifle peaceful dissent and highlighted how Baloch communities have long been denied fairness in resource distribution.

Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy in Balochistan who was accused of sharing an activist’s speech online was booked on terrorism charges — drawing widespread condemnation of criminalizing minors.

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The post ‘Unchecked Impunity’: Fact-Finding Mission Reveals Root Causes of Instability in Balochistan appeared first on Dissent Today.

On Monday, Mahrang arrived at Karachi’s Jinnah International Airport where the officials told her she would not be allowed to board the flight. According to Mahrang, they did not offer any reason for their action.

Taking to X (formerly Twitter), Mahrang termed the incident as “a clear violation of my fundamental right to freedom of movement.” She asserted that the travel ban reflects the state’s increasing apprehension towards Baloch voices and an effort to suppress them.

Mahrang stated that this travel ban is part of a broader effort by the Pakistani government to silence Baloch activists and control the narrative surrounding the ongoing issues in Balochistan, which has a long-standing record of human rights abuses.

She said, “There was no valid justification for preventing my travel, except to ensure that Baloch perspectives remain unheard on the global stage.” The activist pledged to contest these restrictions, insisting, “I will resist this unfair infringement on my rights.”

Last month, another Baloch activist, Sammi Deen Baloch—daughter of the forcibly disappeared Dr. Deen Muhammad—was also stopped by immigration authorities at Karachi’s airport while trying to travel to Muscat, Oman.

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The post Pakistan Stops Activist Mahrang Baloch From Leaving Country to Attend TIME Magazine Event in New York appeared first on Dissent Today.

• March 27, 1948, when Pakistan forcibly annexed the Kalat State
• The attack on Khan Kalat’s residence on October 6, 1958, which resulted in his imprisonment
• The hanging of seven Baloch companions of Nawab Nauroz Khan in Hyderabad and Sukkur jails on July 15, 1960, after trials in military courts
• The unconstitutional dismissal of the Ataullah government on February 13, 1973
• The arrest of top Baloch leaders on August 16, 1973
• The wrongful arrest of Baloch leader Khair Bakhsh Marri on January 12, 2000
• The bombardment of Dera Bugti on March 17, 2005
• The brutal killing of former minister Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti on August 26, 2006
• The assassination of activist Sabeen Mahmud on April 24, 2015, after she hosted a discussion on Balochistan

More recently, the use of water cannons, tear gas, and baton charges against the protesting families of missing persons in Islamabad on December 21, 2023; the shooting of participants in a protest march in Mastung on July 27, 2023; and the brutal attacks on peaceful protesters in Gwadar on July 28-29 have further fueled the grievances of the Baloch people. Additionally, we must remember the names of individuals such as Saba Dashtyari, the victims found in the Tutak mass graves, Comrade Ghulam Mohammad and his friends, Hayat Baloch, and many other Baloch people who lost their lives.

BLA attack and demands for an “apology”

Completely disregarding the history of oppression faced by the Baloch people, Pakistan’s intelligentsia—along with certain segments of civil society—is currently demanding apologies from Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a young woman leading the Baloch struggle against oppression. This demand follows a recent terror attack carried out by Baloch separatists.

On August 25-26, during a well-coordinated attack, the militant group Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) targeted police stations, railway lines, and highways throughout the province. The assault resulted in the deaths of at least 73 individuals, including 21 militants from the BLA. The separatist group claimed responsibility for the attack on a Frontier Corps camp in Bela, as well as assaults on police stations and Levy posts. Additionally, they detonated a railway bridge in Bolan, blocked roads at several locations across Balochistan, burned vehicles, and forcibly detained individuals at Musakhail, which borders Punjab. The victims were targeted based on their identification cards, which revealed they were from the Punjab province.

The government reported that 21 militants were killed in response to the incident, and some bodies were discovered in Khuzdar and Hub. Several victims were identified by their relatives as missing persons in state custody. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Army Chief General Asim Munir, and Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi all visited the provincial capital of Quetta to develop a strategy to counter such incidents. The scale, depth, and duration of the BLA attacks not only exposed the government’s security lapses and failures but also highlighted the increased capabilities of militant groups in Balochistan.

Anyone with a basic understanding of what is generally considered ‘common sense’ will recognize that events do not occur in isolation.

‘Do you condemn BLA?’

The way Baloch activists are being pressured to condemn separatists despite them never having supported violence reminds me of a current global event. On October 7 last year, Palestinian fighters from the resistance group Hamas breached the Israeli border and launched attacks on military installations and civilian areas. As a result, Israel experienced between 1,100 and 1,200 fatalities, with numerous individuals taken hostage as the remaining Hamas fighters retreated to Gaza.

The international community expressed shock at the brutality of the attacks. Governments worldwide—including those from developed, developing, and underdeveloped nations, as well as the so-called Muslim Ummah—swiftly condemned Hamas’s actions. There was widespread outrage, with many perceiving the incident as a significant injustice. However, this condemnation of Hamas by the international community has, paradoxically, resulted in escalating acts of violence against Palestinians, which have continued unabated to this day. With few exceptions, the global response has remained largely silent, allowing Israel to kill, injure, starve, displace, and terrorize Palestinians with apparent impunity, based on the belief that Hamas’s actions constituted terrorism—an outrage in its own right.

The atrocities, killings, displacements, and denial of land to the Palestinian people, along with the cultural and economic genocide they have faced since Israel was established in 1948, are often overlooked because Hamas killed 1,100 Israelis. How can the world’s conscience reflect on itself each day and feel content with the deaths of over 40,000 people in Gaza alone since October 7, 2023, disregarding the suffering of Palestinians since 1948?

Throughout this time, those condemning the atrocities in Gaza are being pressured to first denounce Hamas. In a similar manner, following the recent BLA attack in Pakistan, there has been widespread outrage demanding apologies and clarifications from Dr. Mahrang and anyone else with “Baloch” in their name. This expectation for apologies seems reserved for the weaker side, while the powerful conveniently overlook the plight of the victims.

Have any political leaders—Nawaz Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif, Asif Zardari, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, or Imran Khan—ever apologized for the “kill and dump” policy, the Tutak mass graves, the extrajudicial killings, or the regular baton charges against protesting Baloch women who are relatives of missing persons? They are powerful enough to evade accountability. They did not apologize for the atrocities in Bangladesh in 1971, which were conveniently brushed under the carpet in hopes that the world—and most Pakistanis—would soon forget.

How many of those outraged by the attack on August 26 have ever offered a word of condemnation for the killings and abductions of Baloch individuals, even those from universities in Islamabad and Lahore? Why are only the Baloch supposed to condemn violence, while others are exempt from this duty? Why is the killing of certain individuals considered tragic while that of others deemed acceptable?

Are the Baloch students who are taken and held in dungeons for months, only to be released later, considered combatants? Moreover, when they are released, many are left in a vegetative state. A daughter of a missing person who was released after spending time in a dungeon shared with me that she didn’t recognize her father because he appeared to be 75 years old. For quite some time, his mental state resembled that of a child. What pain and trauma do the families of missing individuals endure, and what agony do the families of those released experience upon seeing the condition of their loved ones? Wouldn’t a desire for revenge and a yearning for justice arise in the minds of relatives who suffer so greatly?

The state’s failure

The rulers have attempted to address the Baloch rights issue with force rather than seeking to understand, listen, and engage in dialogue. They had an opportunity to do so when Sardar Ataullah Mengal formed the government in Balochistan in May 1972, but they squandered it by dismissing his government. Although militant groups announced a unilateral ceasefire in September 2008, there was no response, leading them to resume fighting in January 2009. This situation illustrates that Balochistan has been an ongoing tragedy, and the attitude of the rulers suggests that it will continue to be so.

The absurd statement recently made by the Interior Minister, claiming that militancy in Balochistan can be controlled by a Station House Officer (SHO), is not only ludicrous but also reflects the mindset of government officials; he is not alone in holding such views. After the ‘Tandoori Incident’ on May 18, 1973, in which eight Dir Scouts were killed, General Tikka Khan declared in a message to Radio Pakistan that “miscreants would be apprehended in 72 hours.” However, those 72 hours extended into 1977 and beyond. State officials have consistently been out of touch with the realities on the ground in Balochistan.

Neither Hamas’s actions on October 7 nor the BLA’s actions on August 26, 2024, should be viewed in isolation from the larger historical context affecting both groups over the past 75 years. Those leftists who condemn the BLA while supporting Hamas are politically and ideologically inconsistent. The same applies to individuals who regard Kashmiris as freedom fighters while labeling the Baloch as terrorists.

Violence begets violence, and it is never a viable path to resolution. The violence faced by the Baloch has been imposed by the state, and they have responded in kind. Some well-meaning individuals have suggested that the events of August 26 may lead to further repression of the Baloch. However, has life ever been a bed of roses for the Baloch? They have suffered violence as a routine part of their lives for a long time.

The incident on August 26 should serve as an eye-opener for those in charge of this country. First and foremost, they must recognize that this violence stems from the actions they carry out through the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), various agencies, and state-sponsored death squads. Additionally, the significant participation of militants on that day should, upon honest reflection, highlight the level of resentment prevalent in Balochistan. This resentment drives young people to risk their lives and endanger their relatives, particularly since those identified often face ongoing repercussions.

The tragic incident should be considered a lesson rather than a starting point for a new wave of vengeance and violence against the rights and lives of people in Balochistan. Unfortunately, it seems that this lesson is not being learned, as the grim reality of repression continues to surface with the discovery of many missing persons’ bodies in Khuzdar, Bolan, and other areas. Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect Dissent Today’s editorial policy.

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

The post Those Demanding Apologies from the Baloch Need a Lesson in History appeared first on Dissent Today.

The Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), which operates as an officially-sanctioned death squad, has recently adopted a tactic of killing individuals held in custody in staged encounters. This phenomenon has further intensified crimes against the Baloch, who have been brutally terrorized and repressed since 1948. The Baloch nation can no longer be expected to suffer silently.

Due to the absence of the rule of law in the country, and the judiciary being as ineffective as a discarded dishrag, the commissions formed, such as “The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance”, are meant to whitewash the state’s organized and systematic policy of enforced disappearances. They also seek to intimidate and harass Baloch women who seek justice for their disappeared family members. These commissions have only succeeded in bullying Baloch complainants and misleading the general public about the issue of Baloch missing persons.

The Commission for Missing Baloch Students formed under Sardar Akhtar Mengal has also proven to be ineffective, as its report has been ignored. Students continue to be picked up in Islamabad and Balochistan with impunity, which proves that these commissions are worthless and have only been created to defuse rising resentment. These commissions do not have the trust of the affected people who have seen too many of these worthless entities.

The Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), which operates as an officially-sanctioned death squad, has recently adopted a tactic of killing individuals held in custody in staged encounters. This phenomenon has further intensified crimes against the Baloch, who have been brutally terrorized and repressed since 1948. The Baloch nation can no longer be expected to suffer silently.

When the judiciary is helpless and the commissions are worthless, the question arises: what should the people do? They cannot be expected to let their loved ones remain at the mercy of the state, which continues to abduct them without even stating or proving what crimes they were accused of. Naturally, the only recourse available to them is to protest against the injustices perpetrated against them in Balochistan. These protests are unacceptable to the state and are either barred, blocked, or brutally dispersed, or misrepresented as part of an enemy agenda. The victims are stigmatized, and people in general blame them instead of the perpetrators of the crimes against humanity.

The Baloch have long protested peacefully for the recovery of their loved ones but have faced state’s highhandedness in response. Mama Abdul Qadeer Baloch, whose son Jalil Reki was a victim of disappearance and extrajudicial killing in November 2011, has been sitting outside Press Clubs for more than 5000 days, demanding recovery of the missing persons and an end to extra-judicial killings, but he is ignored.

Mama Qadeer, along with Farzana Majeed and female members of missing persons’ families, marched from Quetta to Karachi on October 27, 2013, and then onwards from Karachi to Islamabad, reaching there on March 1, 2014. This 106-day-long march was traversed on foot in difficult conditions, as the government put up obstacles, both social and physical, to deter the marchers. Despite the odds, these brave marchers accomplished a truly historic feat. I was a part of this historical march for 26 days. The public became aware of the issue of missing persons, but the state ignored it, and the disappearances continued.

The Baloch protests have long gone unheard 

When Zahid Baloch, the Chairman of BSO-Azad, was picked up in Quetta on March 18, 2014, with Asad Baloch, the organization, under Banuk Karima Baloch, decided to wait in hope that they would be released. However, after realizing that they would not be released, they started a hunger strike in Karachi on April 22, 2014. After 46 days, at the persuasion of civil society, Baloch elders, and myself, the emaciated hunger striker Latif Johar ended his strike on June 6, 2014. This protest also went unheeded.

There was a protest in Islamabad in February 2021 by Sammi Deen, Haseba Qambarani, and other affected persons. After a long delay, the then Minister of so-called Human Rights, Shireen Mazari, met them and promised a meeting with the then Prime Minister Imran Khan, which led to the protest ending. However, the meeting with Imran Khan was fruitless, and the grievances of the protesters were not addressed. Thankfully, Haseeba’s cousin and brother were eventually released.

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance is meant to whitewash the state’s organized and systematic policy of enforced disappearances. It also seeks to intimidate and harass Baloch women who seek justice for their disappeared family members.

Killings in fake “encounters” 

In response to the kidnapping and killing of Lt Col Laiq of the Pakistan Army on July 12, 2022, near Ziarat, 9 Baloch men who were already in state custody were killed in a fake encounter. The affected Baloch families started a protest in the Quetta Red Zone, which continued for 50 days and ended on assurances from ministers in Islamabad. However, nothing positive was done to address the grievances of the protesters.

On the night of November 22, 2023, the CTD claimed to have killed four terrorists in an encounter on Pasni Road in Turbat and recovered a large number of weapons. Among the four killed was Balach Mola Bakhsh, who was picked up on October 29, 2023. On November 21, a case of weapon possession was registered against him, and he was produced in court. His bail hearing was scheduled for the 23rd, but the CTD preempted it by killing him in a fake encounter along with three others who were already in custody.

The family, relatives, and friends protested on the 25th with Balach’s body outside the sessions court. The court ordered that an FIR be registered against the CTD, but the police refused to do so. The protest gained strength as thousands of women and men joined it. These were the largest protests seen in the area, and the number of protesters kept increasing. The family eventually buried the body after 7 days. The protest continued to expand, and after two weeks, on December 5th, they ended the protest in Turbat and decided to hold a sit-in in Quetta.

The latest Baloch awakening is a response to the Pakistani state’s repression of the Baloch which has continued unabated for over 70 years

Throughout their journey to Quetta, people came out in droves to show support and condemn the injustices against the Baloch. They reached Quetta on the 11th and began the sit-in. The Baloch Yakjehti Committee then decided to move the protest to Islamabad and left on the 15th evening, passing through Kohlu, Dera Ghazi Khan, Taunsa Sharif, and other cities, and finally reaching Islamabad on the 20th.

On the 21st, which also marked Banuk Karima’s 3rd death anniversary, the police unleashed a brutal assault on the protesters with batons, teargas, and water cannons, and arrested all of them. In the lockups, they beat up the women protesters as well. After widespread outcry, the women were released, but they were forced to board a bus to send them back to Quetta, which the conscientious drivers refused to comply with. The boys and men were kept in jail awaiting bail, as if peacefully protesting was a crime.

Mistreatment meted out to Baloch protestors in Islamabad 

The treatment of Baloch protesters in Islamabad was criminal and shameful, for which the caretakers are responsible and will have to answer someday. It remains to be seen how some supposedly liberal individuals like Murtaza Solangi will face the people once he is out of the cabinet.

The brutality was perpetrated to break the spirit of the protestors, but these souls have seen enough trauma and anguish to be deterred by this physical violence. The protestors are led by the indomitable, brave, dedicated, and eloquent Mahrang Baloch. As her spirit has not flagged, neither has the spirit of others who are equally brave and dedicated. The caretakers and those before them, ad infinitum, are not in any way friends of Baloch. If they were, the repression would have been replaced by recognition of rights at some stage.

To add insult to injury, some journalists, while interviewing Mahrang, confronted her with the repeated question, “Do you condemn the BLA, BLF?”. This was done to intimidate her and present the protestors as supporters of militancy in Balochistan. However, the cool-headed Mahrang eloquently countered the journalists’ aggressiveness with logical answers. Sadly,  many journalists come to protestors at the behest of their mentors in the establishment to malign the Baloch and their peaceful protest, so that people may refrain from supporting them. Some Islamabad journalists are notorious for this kind of attitude. When the VBMP Long March reached Islamabad on 1st March 2014, the same type of questions were thrown at the participants, and they had been forcefully answered by Farzana Majeed, sister of Zakir Majeed, who has been missing since 2009.

This sort of bullying and attempted intimidation of peaceful protestors by Pakistani journalists just adds to the already infamous reputation of the press and media of Pakistan, which incidentally also has the largest number of journalists killed for presenting the truth. These bullying journalists besmirch the noble name of the truthful journalists and should be called out and exposed as enemies of truth and servants of the establishment.

People unaware of Balochistan’s political dynamics are surprised that the Baloch protests are being traumatized in Islamabad at a time when a politician from Balochistan is serving as the PM. They fail to understand that Anwar Kakar is the PM not because he cares for the anguish and pain of Baloch, but because he is expected to help his mentors in the establishment inflict more pain on the Baloch. He was installed there not for any services to the Baloch, but because he has faithfully served the establishment, supported their injustices, and helped malign those Baloch who struggle for their rights.

We need to understand that this awakening is not something out of the blue. It is the result of the Pakistani state’s unabated repression of the Baloch that has continued for over 70 years and the ceaseless resistance to these injustices by the Baloch. The blood and tears shed over the years have given birth to this unparalleled wave of protest from Balochistan.

Repression has given birth to the fearlessness of Karima Baloch, who blazed the trail for Baloch women to come out and speak out fearlessly against the injustices and for the rights of the Baloch. She was an icon in her life and even more so after her tragic death. She inspires Baloch women to resist oppression of all sorts. Mahrang Baloch, who is now the face of peaceful resistance, is also a product of state repression. Her father, Ghaffar Langove, was abducted by the State, and his mutilated body was thrown in July 2011.

Sammi Deen, whose father Dr. Deen Mohammad has been missing since 2009, is also the undying spirit behind this awakening. There are so many unnamed Mahrangs and Sammis among the Baloch women who strive and struggle for Baloch rights and the recovery of their loved ones who remain missing, and their fates unknown.

The Baloch women and children have suffered unbearably from injustices, and the Pakistani State and its caretaker government decided to inflict more pain on them in Islamabad, where they came in hope of redemption from their woes. What happened in Islamabad to the Baloch children, women, and men on December 21 and the continuing harassment of the protesters after that, will not be easily forgiven or forgotten. It will only strengthen the people’s resolve to struggle against a callous and heartless state.

Those hoping to break the Baloch spirit should understand that the more they repress, the more we will resist. The more you repress, the more Karimas, Sammis, and Mahrangs you will have to face, and it is you who will eventually be defeated.

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

The post The Latest Baloch Uprising Cannot Be Defeated appeared first on Dissent Today.

Information on his fate and whereabouts finally came to the fore on 30 March 2022 – Hafeez had been falsely implicated in a fake terrorism FIR, for which he faced trial and was eventually acquitted. Who will account for his time spent in jail facing a bogus trial – we have yet to see.

After Hafeez’s disappearance, several other Baloch students were disappeared. These disappearances were repeatedly brought to the attention of the Islamabad High Court in the connected writ petitions pending before it on racial profiling and enforced disappearances of Baloch students. On 28 April 2022, some plainclothes men in a white Vigo were recorded on camera abducting Baloch student, Beebagr Imdad, from the campus of Punjab University, where he was visiting his cousin, Salim Baloch. Salim was not only an eyewitness to Beebagr’s disappearance, but also took the brave step of becoming the petitioner before the Lahore High Court in a writ seeking production of his cousin. Over a year later, on 4 July 2023, Salim himself has been forcibly disappeared from Turbat. 

Such is the life of Baloch students across the country. One student is released after an abduction but five more are abducted with no end in sight for this heinous practice. Feroz Baloch is one such student who was forcibly disappeared on 11 May 2022, while on his way to the library at Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi (where he is a student). There is no information on Feroz’s fate or whereabouts till date. 

In light of the increasing disappearances of Baloch students (and impunity for the same), the Islamabad High Court, vide order dated 28 April 2022, directed the establishment of a Commission to inquire into the grievances of Baloch students and thereafter, submit its recommendations in the form of a report before the Court. In February 2023, the Akhtar Mengal led Baloch Students Commission submitted its report before the Islamabad High Court. On page 21 of the Report (in paragraph 47), the Secretary, Ministry of Defence was questioned regarding the presence of Major Murtaza on the campus of QAU. The relevant excerpt is produced here, as it reflects the degree of impunity and complete refusal within the Armed Forces to acknowledge that their behavior amounts to sheer thuggery: “The Commission was apprised that the complaint regarding meeting of an army officer with Baloch students at the campus of QAU was examined in detail and it transpired that the officer, who hailed from Khuzdar, Balochistan, interacted with the students in his personal capacity without any orders from his institution.” 

One’s first impression reading this is the pressing question as to why no action has been taken against a serving military officer, who as per the Ministry of Defence’s own admission acted without orders? If the individual officers of the Armed Forces are so undisciplined that they arrive on university campuses to profile students belonging to a deprived province of their own accord, then God help Pakistan in a state of war.

Another important revelation in the report – particularly in the context of the suicide attack in Turbat by a woman belonging to the Baloch Liberation Army – is available on page 45 of the Commission Report (in paragraph 118). The excerpt provides: “Another person complained about the disappearances that occurred in his area, i.e. Tutak. He informed that in 2014, approximately 150-200 mutilated bodies were discovered from Tutak graves. He was afraid that some of the disappeared could be among those found dead in Tutak in 2014. It was plausible since the identity of the victims remained uncertain… He further said that the ordeal did not stop there as the security agencies again picked up sixteen people from his family, including sons, brothers and a seventy year old man and an eight year old child…”. 

It is pertinent to mention here that the female suicide bomber, Sumaiya Qalandarani belonged to Tutak, Balochistan. A commission had been formed some years prior to inquire into the Tutak mass graves – that report has not been made public till date. 

Commission after commission; case after case; inquiry after inquiry; false promise after false promise but the fate of Baloch youth has not changed – not even a little. The reason for this is fairly simple: the State of Pakistan continues to treat Balochistan as an occupied territory, rather than as part and parcel of the federation. Legitimate grievances of the Baloch people – relating to their right to life and dignity – have been neglected for decades while false promises of “development” have continuously been made as the State of Pakistan robs the Baloch people of their resources. What to speak of any development when it is impossible for the Baloch people to breathe or even exist on their own land, or anywhere else in the country. 

Commission after commission; case after case; inquiry after inquiry; false promise after false promise but the fate of Baloch youth has not changed – not even a little. The reason for this is fairly simple: the State of Pakistan continues to treat Balochistan as an occupied territory, rather than as part and parcel of the Federation.

The specific and consistent targeting of unarmed and peaceful Baloch youth – who have actively chosen the pen over the gun – will only exacerbate the conflict and increase recruits for separatist groups. It would appear, however, that this is exactly what the Pakistan Army wants. For the simple reason that for as long as the conflict in Balochistan is alive, the military’s unending demands for a greater share in the country’s limited resources will find justification. It would, in fact, appear that the only beneficiary of the conflict in Balochistan is the Pakistan Army itself. There is no other rational explanation for the senseless targeting of Baloch youth over the decades – which is continuing with complete impunity.

Those tasked with defending Pakistan against external aggression must ensure that their internal aggression against Pakistan’s own citizens does not become a catalyst for this country breaking apart once again. When you leave people with nothing to lose, can we really be surprised that those people are pushed to take up arms? Where mutilated corpses, mass graves and constant humiliation by security forces are a norm, what path is the State forcing the Baloch people to take?

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post Enforced Disappearances of Baloch Students and State’s Criminal Role appeared first on Dissent Today.

Notification of new recruits is making rounds on social media, with many users criticising the exclusion of people from Balochistan from the airport’s workforce.

Among 35 new recruits for newly established Gwadar airport, from the positions of director to sweeper, none is from Balochistan or Gwadar. As Zubair Hoath from Gwadar points out “ it’s colonial policy or mentality.” Via @ZubairHoath pic.twitter.com/9jBGVpsj04

— Shah Meer Baloch (@ShahmeerAlbalos) May 29, 2023

Social media users pointed out that from upper management to lower management, majority of the people have been recruited from outside Balochistan.

Gwadar rights movement leader Maulana Hidayat ur Rehman Baloch also tweeted that it is unacceptable that people from Gwadar have been ignored for recruitments at the local airport.

گوادر ائیرپورٹ پر مقامی نوجوانوں کو نظرانداز کرنا قابل برداشت نہیں۔ گوادر سے متعلق تمام پروجیکٹس میں مقامی افراد کو ترجیح دی جائے۔

— Maulana Hidayat ur Rehman Baloch (@MHidayatRehman) May 29, 2023

Activists have also planned to protest outside the Gwadar Press Club tomorrow against the “illegal” hirings.

گوادر کے بیروزگار تعلیم یافتہ نوجوانوں کی حق تلفی نہ منظور۔۔۔۔

کل بروز منگل صبح 11بجے گوادر کے تمام تعلیم یافتہ نوجوان گوادر پریس کلب میں آجائے نیو ایئر پورٹ میں حالیہ غیر قانونی بھرتیوں کےخلاف احتجاجی مظاہرہ ہوگا۔#Gwadar https://t.co/6p50rchdOX

— Zubair Hoath (@ZubairHoath) May 29, 2023

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This could lead to a conflict with dominant actors as we have seen it happening in the case of Bangladesh and Balochistan. Historically, this forced uniformity didn’t bode well either for Pakistan or for the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, as they broke up. 

For creating conditions for uniformity, the state first disenfranchises the recalcitrant nations politically by installing pliable politicians who act as the henchmen of the dominant nation, trying to give people a false sense of representation, but this ploy doesn’t make much headway as people see where the real power lies. In Balochistan, there have been so-called representative governments that have only furthered Islamabad or rather Rawalpindi’s interests there. Secondly, the imposition of uniformity on a minority is invariably connected with the economic interests of the dominant. Corporations and predatory countries are given free rein to exploit their resources to keep people in penury busy eking out lives. 

The forced accession of Balochistan on March 27, 1948, followed concerted efforts by Pakistan to erase the Baloch identity by force. Pakistan has always tried to force “patriotism” by undermining nationalistic sentiments in the province. This was resisted by the Baloch people, as were consequent injustices, as they drew inspiration from strong Baloch political leaders. People resisted not only the subtle overtures but also the persistent brutal assaults that became the norm in Balochistan.

The State has allowed and empowered religious groups and madrassas to proliferate in Balochistan, hoping that religion will change or at least dilute the nationalist sentiments.

In Balochistan, these unfortunate attempts at imposing uniformity have led to an open conflict. In the last two decades, systematic enforced disappearances, which have a long history, have affected a broad spectrum of Baloch society. This practice of enforced disappearance became more rampant when the state saw its policy of imposing uniformity by subtle means fail. With the passage of time, brutalities have intensified with more and more educated Baloch people falling victim. The state doesn’t realise that increased repression leads to more resistance from people who value and cherish their historical, political, and cultural legacies.

The state has allowed and empowered religious groups and madrassas to proliferate, hoping that religion will change or at least dilute the nationalist sentiments. Sadly, religion here has complemented repressive forces. A report stated there are more than 10,000 small and big madrassas in Balochistan, which roughly translates into the availability of one madrassa for every 1,200 to 1,300 people in the province. In Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, by contrast, there is one madrassah for about 45,000 to 50,000, and 10,000 to 12,000 inhabitants, respectively. This high number of madrassas in the province would not have been possible without active state patronage. 

Moreover, the state-sponsored ‘death squads’ in Balochistan have belonged to radical religious outfits. Religion was weaponised to coerce the Baloch people into submission and target the Hazaras.

In times of tragedies and disasters, people are psychologically, emotionally, and physically vulnerable, and those anxious to impose uniformity rush in to exploit this vulnerability. Pakistan has always used this opportunity along with its religious extremist backers to force uniformity and to break the will of the Baloch people by trying to undermine nationalistic sentiments.

The forced accession of Balochistan on March 27, 1948, followed concerted efforts by Pakistan to erase the Baloch identity by force. Pakistan has always tried to force “patriotism” by undermining nationalistic sentiments in the province.

On September 24, 2013, when Awaran was reeling from the shocks of the long-drawn army and Frontier Corps operations to contain the unflinching resistance of Dr Allah Nazar, it was hit by a 7.8 magnitude earthquake. The UN humanitarian envoy, Dr Abdullah Al-Matouq, offered assistance, but Pakistani authorities declined it. Independent sources confirmed the relief supplies being sent by individuals and NGOs were stopped by the Frontier Constabulary (FC), which said only it would distribute them. Shahzeb Jillani of BBC reported then that in Teertej village just outside Awaran, 95 percent of houses had collapsed, 22 people died and many survivors had suffered fractures, broken arms, ribs, and head injuries. The villagers told him that some 48 hours after the disaster caused by the earthquake, Pakistani soldiers arrived with a truckload of tents and food supplies, but the locals turned them away. A villager said, “We told them we did not want anything to do with them.” The people there and the army were two warring parties then – due to decades of irresolvable animosities nurtured by rampant injustices. Ironically, those who had terrorized people in this manner wanted to appear as benefactors. 

The State doesn’t realise that increased repression leads to more resistance from people who value and cherish their historical, political, and cultural legacies.

Mahvish Ahmad, then reporting for ‘Dawn’, was in Mashkay on 15th October 2013. She writes: “It was 6 O’clock on Monday morning as this correspondent suddenly woke to the loud sounds of explosion in the otherwise sleepy town of Mashky-Gajjar, as the army troops entered the town centre to take control where the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), a banned separatist militant group, had been quite active and in recent weeks many separatists organizations had remained involved in helping thousands of quake-affected residents”. 

The disaster was taken advantage of to secure its interest which the army had, otherwise, been unable to gain.

Regarding the attitude of state authorities towards the Baloch people in the aftermath of disasters, it seems the authorities do not want to provide them relief but rather punish the Baloch people for not submitting to the “imposed uniformity”. For instance,  on June 25, 2007, Cyclone Yemyin battered Balochistan, affecting at least 10 districts of Balochistan and four districts of Sindh, disrupting the lives of at least 1.5 million people and killing more than 2 million livestock, worth over 4 billion rupees. Despite the magnitude of the disaster, then prime minister Shaukat Aziz in July 2007, announced that “Pakistan will not take foreign aid from any country to overcome the losses and devastation caused by Cyclone Yemyin in Balochistan”.

Similarly,  Cyclone Phet wreaked havoc in Gwadar, Pasni, and other coastal towns on 6 June 2010. Hundreds of fishing boats went missing, thousands were displaced, innumerable properties were damaged and some 19,303 families were affected – all of this in spite of previous warnings of a cyclone by the United Nations which were ignored. Relief was slow and sketchy. 

The Baloch people have to bear the worst of both worlds as Pakistan has unrelentingly tried to obliterate the Baloch identity in the name of religion and ‘one nation’ while disregarding Balochistan’s old history and culture. Meanwhile, the State does that with the connivance of self-interested Baloch politicians, who it seems are more loyal to the king than the king himself.  They have tried to achieve this “uniformity” through brutal means. 

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

The post How Pakistan Systematically Tried To Wipe Out The Baloch Identity appeared first on Dissent Today.

Human rights activist Lateef Johar Baloch had asked Barrick Gold CEO Mark Bristow about signing an agreement related to the Reko Diq mine without the consent of the local communities.

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Today, @LateefJohar, Pakistani human rights defender, questioned @barrickgold‘s CEO Mark Bristow re: the push to open the Reko Diq mine without the consent of surrounding communities.
Bristow ended the heated exchang saying Lateef should “go back to Balochistan.” pic.twitter.com/vBhafF0EFZ

— Earthworks (@Earthworks) May 2, 2023

Barrick Gold owns 50 per cent shares of “one of the largest undeveloped copper-gold projects in the world”, according to the mining corporation’s website.

25% of the shares are owned by three federal state-owned enterprises, while only 15% is owned by Balochistan on a fully funded basis and 10% on a free carried basis.

Lateef Johar Baloch asked Bristow a question related to the Canadian mining company not addressing the reservations of locals while signing the Reko Diq deal during a company’s shareholder meeting.

However, Bristow ended the conversation by telling the activist to “go back to Balochistan”.

After Bristow’s remarks, the human rights defender tweeted that he was “shocked” by the incident.

Lateef Johar Baloch said that Bristow “used my refugee status to discredit and undermine me in front of his shareholders when I spoke the truth and asked question about their secretive deal with an illegitimate govt to mine in my homeland”. 

I was shocked when Mark Bristow, the CEO of @BarrickGold, used my refugee status to discredit and undermine me in front of his shareholders when I spoke the truth and asked question about their secretive deal with an illegitimate govt to mine in my homeland, #Balochistan. pic.twitter.com/qa6aOTbS2s

— Lateef Johar Baloch (@LateefJohar) May 2, 2023

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