“Will anyone come? We have been waiting for so many days,” asked a Baloch mother, grasping my hand in hope of good news. Another mother, Zar Gul, whose son Saeed Ahmed was forcibly disappeared in 2013, joined in, holding my other hand and saying, “Maybe this time we’ll bring our sons home.”

These past fifty-plus days in Islamabad have been an emotional whirlwind for anyone visiting the Baloch families’ camp near the National Press Club in F‑6 sector. The women’s stories are so harrowing that they often collapse while recounting their ordeal — seeing their sons abducted by plainclothes men who broke into their homes; enduring ten years of agonizing waiting, searching for answers in courts and on the streets; holding fifteen years of hope that their brothers remain alive as they were when taken before their eyes.

The Baloch National Movement’s human rights department, Paank, reported that in the first half of 2025 alone, 785 cases of enforced disappearances and 121 extrajudicial killings were documented.

The Defence of Human Rights has documented 3,140 cases since 2006, with 1,362 victims still missing. In 2025, 32 new cases were reported.

Only the families enduring this cruel, collective, and relentless punishment truly understand what each second of the day feels like. Their cries seem to go unheard in the corridors of power just streets away — no government minister has visited the camp to date. This government’s apathy is so stark and the war on its citizens so brazen that even the fiction of engagement with these elderly women and young girls has been abandoned.

The callousness is further illustrated by the authorities’ refusal to allow the peaceful protesters to set up camp for shelter outside the Press Club. Much like they are caged in Balochistan, these women are now confined to a narrow road, surrounded by barriers and barbed wire — a chilling reminder of that treatment during the 2023 Baloch long march to Islamabad.

During the freezing winter of 2023, many of them were attacked with water cannons and sticks as they peacefully protested. Many, including young Mahzaib (niece of forcibly disappeared Rashid Hussain), were unlawfully arrested, detained, and loaded into buses to be forcibly sent back to Balochistan.

Although the Baloch Yekjehti Committee has made significant strides in advocating for human rights, its impact has been severely hampered by the detention of its leadership, most notably Dr. Mahrang Baloch, its founder and a globally recognized human rights activist.

Dr. Baloch has now been detained since March 22, following a peaceful sit-in protesting state violence.

Her imprisonment has deeply affected the community. Elderly mothers at the protest camp have shown me photographs of their sons and said, “Mahrang raised her voice for them. Now, we will raise our voice for Mahrang.”

Moreover, almost the entire leadership of the Committee is now behind bars. This includes Sebghetullah Shah Jee, Beebarg Baloch, Beebow Baloch, and Gulzadi Baloch.

The legal process surrounding these detentions reflects a persistent pattern of arbitrary and prolonged incarceration. The authorities have repeatedly invoked the colonial-era Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) law — originally enacted in 1960 — allowing detention without formal charges. Even when the judicial system convenes hearings, the prosecution repeatedly fails to present credible evidence, yet the detainees remain imprisoned.

These women and girls are not just here for their loved ones – they are here to demand the release of those brave leaders who carried the grief of the Baloch people on their shoulders. They remember the Long March with Dr. Mahrang to Islamabad in 2023.

Though the state succeeded in breaking the hope of many — as seen in the much smaller number who returned this year — even the stubborn hope held by these few women sends a powerful message to the people of Pakistan: no matter how heartless the state’s response, the path of peaceful resistance must not be abandoned.

Passersby often approach the camp and ask, “Why have they been sitting here so long? Has anyone from the government come to speak to them yet?” When told that no one has come despite more than a month of protest, through scorching heat and torrential downpour, they merely sigh and move on. But these women cannot move forward, as their lives remain forever suspended.

There is no doubt that enforced disappearances are Pakistan’s greatest crisis — the clearest indication of a total breakdown in rule of law in a society that tolerates this atrocity. Impunity is entrenched: not a single perpetrator has been identified or brought to justice.

Worse still, impunity has grown in recent months, especially since the 26th Constitutional Amendment. 

Baloch families have always faced significant challenges in registering cases for crimes committed against them. But following recent amendments, police have begun to outright refuse the registration of abduction First Information Reports (FIRs) — even when the Islamabad High Court is actively hearing a habeas corpus petition or has issued a court order.

Habeas corpus petitions, which were once heard promptly — often the same or next day — are now delayed due to frivolous administrative objections, even when hearings are scheduled. New judges at the Islamabad High Court have started to decline directing police to register abduction FIRs immediately, even in cases where previous court interventions had led to the recovery of missing persons, as in the Ahmad Farhad case.

The state has given its people nothing to hope for. Yet against all odds, these courageous mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives still find hope. They refuse to give up. Their loved ones may be missing, but they will not be forgotten. 

The state must remember: this pain cannot be erased, and the peaceful struggle against enforced disappearances cannot be ignored — doing so risks irreparable damage to the integrity of the federation.

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post In Islamabad, State’s Apathy on Full Display as Baloch Families Hold Protest Camp appeared first on Dissent Today.

A fact-finding mission by the HRCP released its findings in a report Wednesday, saying that the province is facing a “shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity.”

According to the HRCP, enforced disappearances have continued in the province. It added that civic space is rapidly diminishing, provincial autonomy is being eroded, and public trust is plummeting under unchecked repression.

“The mission’s findings reveal a disturbing pattern of continued enforced disappearances, shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity—conditions that continue to fuel public alienation and political instability,” noted the report.

The HRCP warned that unless Pakistan abandons coercive methods and embraces a political, rights-based resolution, Balochistan could spiral further into instability — with implications extending far beyond the province’s borders.

Civil society activists, particularly groups like the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), are being targeted under terrorism allegations in the province.

HRCP warned this crackdown has “only deepened alienation, especially among the youth,” and demanded legal recognition and protection for activists.

Activism in the province remains dangerously suppressed. Mahrang Baloch, a prominent rights advocate, has been jailed since March. Writing from prison, she denounced the misuse of counter-terror laws to stifle peaceful dissent and highlighted how Baloch communities have long been denied fairness in resource distribution.

Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy in Balochistan who was accused of sharing an activist’s speech online was booked on terrorism charges — drawing widespread condemnation of criminalizing minors.

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In the letter shared by the BYC, she stated that she and other arrested activists are being deliberately kept in the dark about the situation in Balochistan, as they are given newspapers that are two days old.

“The state and its so-called democratic institutions are propagating against us with the state’s false narrative,” she wrote.

Baloch recently gained international recognition after leading a series of protests against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings in Pakistan’s volatile Balochistan province.

She mentioned in the letter that the jail in which she is being held is the same prison where her father, who was extrajudicially killed in 2011, spent three years in imprisonment. “I am grateful to the state for choosing Hudda Jail for my detention. This place was the center of my suffering.”

“I wished I could live in the solitary confinement where my father spent three years of his imprisonment,” Baloch wrote.

“It has been my life’s desire to go to the place where my father was kept and where he was tortured. I wanted to experience that last moment, which was his last moment,” she added.

The activist stated that the movement she is leading is aimed at “rebuilding” homes that were destroyed by the state.

Baloch further said that the state is conducting propaganda against them with the help of “intellectuals and journalists,” adding, “We will face every oppression and lie of the state with courage, determination, and organized struggle.”

“The state that is throwing down bodies is facing a courageous nation,” she added.

Last Friday, the nationalist Balochistan National Party (BNP) began a “long march” from Wadh to Quetta to protest the detentions of BYC leaders and activists, including Mahrang Baloch and Sammi Deen Baloch, as well as the police’s response to their sit-in in Quetta.

Sammi Deen Baloch was released on Tuesday.

On Thursday in Mastung, party leader Sardar Akhtar Mengal presented three demands during the protest.

“Either release all BYC prisoners, including women, or allow us to peacefully march to Quetta for a sit-in. If not, then arrest us,” Mengal stated.

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Balochistan, which is Pakistan’s largest province, is ironically its poorest. It remains a hotbed of violence and discontent. On the eve of Election Day on February 8, 2024, two bomb blasts killed at least 30 people and wounded dozens in Balochistan. A year has passed since then, but there has been no progress in the investigations into these incidents of election violence.

These two separate bomb explosions took place near candidates’ offices in Balochistan. The first blast occurred in Pishin district, killing 16 people and injuring 25, while the second explosion in Qila Saifullah claimed the lives of 12 people and left 20 wounded.

The Islamic State (IS) group claimed responsibility for both attacks, which were carried out using motorbikes rigged with explosives. The explosions targeted an independent candidate’s office and a JUI-F party election office, causing widespread destruction and chaos.

Balochistan, a resource-rich but impoverished province, has a history of violence and has been plagued by a decades-long struggle for greater autonomy. Islamist militants, including the Pakistani Taliban (TTP), operate in the region, often exploiting the sense of frustration and disillusionment among local voters.

As the province conducted elections last February like the rest of the country, many voters in Balochistan felt neglected by the country’s political parties and often felt candidates were imposed on them without any connection to the province. The vote was seen as unfair by many, with some describing it as a “selection” rather than a genuine election.

“In Balochistan, people are no longer interested in elections or politics,” says Muhammad Ramzan, 36, a professor at a local university in Quetta. “We know the affairs of the province are controlled from the army headquarters, which is why it is pointless to vote,” he added.

The depoliticization of the youth was a key aspect that emerged during our interviews with students and professors at educational institutions in Quetta during a recent visit. The people of the province seem oblivious to the power games that are covered by the mainstream media day in and day out. Violence, unrest, and the never-ending war are what concern them, yet the mainstream media pays little attention to these issues facing the province.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Looking Back at 2024 Election Violence In Balochistan That The Rest of Pakistan Ignored appeared first on Dissent Today.

The pattern for intolerance of dissent was set even before the new year began. In December 2023, hundreds of protesters from Balochistan, led by activist Mahrang Baloch, marched to Islamabad to demand the recovery of their forcibly disappeared family members. Ranging from elderly women in their eighties to toddlers, the protesters started their sit-in outside the Press Club in Islamabad on December 22, and continued till the end of January 2024. In the freezing cold of Islamabad, the protesters faced not only arbitrary arrests and detention but the denial of humanitarian assistance such as blankets and access to toilets.  In the face of twin hostilities — from the administration and the weather — the protesters were left with no option but to return to Balochistan.

In July, violence was once again inflicted upon the Baloch in Gwadar during the Baloch Raji Machi, where hundreds of people had gathered to demand their civil, political, and economic rights, as well as an end to enforced disappearances. On July 28, at least three protesters were killed by security personnel, and many others were injured. Earlier, roads and the internet were blocked to prevent participation in the protest, and convoys were fired upon.

In the same month, a “peace march” in Bannu, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, held to protest the rise in Taliban attacks in the province, faced violence from law enforcement personnel. Authorities allegedly opened fire on the protesters, resulting in two deaths.

In May, three young men were allegedly killed by the paramilitary Rangers in Pakistan-administered Kashmir during a protest march demanding subsidized flour and electricity. The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee, the group behind the protest, stated that the protesters were peaceful, but the government chose to deploy the Rangers, who ultimately used force against them.

Gilgit-Baltistan also saw massive protests in January against the dramatic increase in wheat prices, inflation, poor internet, and human rights violations in the region.

Meanwhile, Pakistan conducted a controversial general election in February 2024, which was marred by allegations of rigging and violence. Terrorist attacks during election campaigns have become a norm in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa over the past few years, and the 2024 election was no exception. Anti-Taliban politicians and parties had to run their campaigns amidst a wave of fear and intimidation, as terrorist attacks in the province increased in 2024.

On February 1, Rehan Zeb Khan, an independent candidate affiliated with the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was shot dead in a targeted attack; when gunmen opened fire on his car in a market in the Bajaur district. Three other people were injured, and the Islamic State (IS) claimed responsibility for the attack. In January, Malik Kaleem Ullah, an independent candidate for the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, was shot dead in Waziristan, along with three others, while going door-to-door.

Two days after the election, former MNA and National Democratic Movement (NDM) chief Mohsin Dawar was shot and injured by security forces during a protest against alleged rigging in his constituency in Waziristan. Four of his supporters were killed. The incident served as a reminder of the impunity enjoyed by security forces in the province. The fact that a former lawmaker could be shot simply for protesting against rigging indicates that no citizen is safe from the disproportionate use of force by law enforcement agencies in tribal areas.

Increasingly, as more and more sections of the citizenry become frustrated by the state’s indifference or outright hostility to their demands for rights, the backlash they face is becoming harsher. The rulers’ perception of all protests as subversion has effectively transformed Pakistan into a security state.

Apart from other ethnic groups raising voices for their rights, the state also views the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) with suspicion. One of its founders, former MNA Ali Wazir, continues to be shunted from prison to prison, on dubious charges.

In October, when the PTM planned its Grand National Jirga (dialogue) in Khyber, the state responded by vandalizing the venue, killing four supporters and imposing a ban on the PTM. The purpose of the jirga was to discuss issues related to the Pashtuns and solutions for peace in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Instead of responding positively to peace initiatives, in a deeply troubled region, the state tried its best to prevent this event. While the government later agreed to rescind the ban, the crackdown on the group continues, with one of its senior members, Haji Abdul Samar, having been arbitrarily arrested and handed over to the Counter Terrorism Department earlier this week.

There wasn’t a single month in 2024 when Pakistan did not witness protests by political parties or members of civil society. And there was probably not a single protest (except perhaps those organized by the extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan) that did not experience a crackdown.

In October, when civil society organizations planned the Sindh Rawadari (tolerance) March in Karachi to promote interfaith harmony and protest the extrajudicial killing of blasphemy accused Dr. Shahnawaz Khunbar, their right to assemble was restricted by the imposition of Section 144. When the organizations decided to proceed despite the restriction, many rights activists were beaten and dragged into police vehicles.

There wasn’t a single month in 2024 when Pakistan did not witness protests by political parties or civil society. And there was probably not a single protest that did not experience a crackdown.

 

Protests in Islamabad face perhaps the biggest hurdles. The government’s SOPs include shutting down businesses and schools, as well as cutting off mobile networks and the internet. Containers are placed at all entry and exit points to deter participation. Historically, these measures have led to greater violence and clashes between demonstrators and law enforcement. However, no lessons are learned. This was evident during the PTI demonstration in the capital in November, when violent clashes resulted in the deaths of 12 protesters and several law enforcement officers.

As the year ends, the country sees sustained protests in the restive town of Parachinar, Kurram, with no prospects of peace. What possibly started as a land dispute quickly turned into a bloody sectarian conflict, claiming more than 130 lives. The government’s response of blocking roads in the severe winter months has resulted in a grave humanitarian crisis, with food and medical shortages resulting in the death of over a hundred children.

While the military spokesperson recently held the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government responsible for ensuring law and order, he overlooked the military’s role in promoting sectarianism in the region. Meanwhile, roads in Karachi have been blocked for a week by protesters in sympathy with those suffering in Parachinar. Similar protests against the violence in Parachinar have been staged in Lahore and Islamabad as well.

So how does 2025 look in the context of the right to peaceful assembly? Not very bright, judging by the controversial Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act passed by the National Assembly in September. This proposed law places severe restrictions on demonstrations and public gatherings in Islamabad Capital Territory.

One can only hope that the provinces don’t follow the federal government’s footsteps and violate people’s fundamental right to peaceful assembly.

The protests and crackdowns mentioned above were largely absent from the mainstream media’s coverage, which has a history of overlooking unrest in peripheral regions. Self-censorship and state-enforced restrictions compel the media to turn a blind eye while human rights and civil liberties are increasingly violated in smaller provinces. Instead of giving coverage to the grievances of protesting activists, many voices in the mainstream media amplified state propaganda against them and attributed the protests to a “foreign hand.” Pakistan’s media must stop becoming complicit in the crackdown aimed at silencing dissenting voices in the country.

In 2025, Pakistan’s civil society must not allow these injustices in the peripheries to go unnoticed and should actively demand accountability and an end to the culture of impunity.

Zohra Yusuf and Ailia Zehra

Zohra Yusuf is a council member of HRCP and the Consulting Editor of Dissent Today.

Ailia Zehra is a journalist and the Founding Editor of Dissent Today.

The post How Pakistan’s Peripheries Dissented in 2024 appeared first on Dissent Today.

When you arrive at her home, words aren’t necessary—her hollow gaze and the way she cradles the photograph of a young man reveal a world of grief and longing. She never lets it out of her sight, never places it on the floor. The picture she holds so dearly is of her missing son, Sami Ullah Mengal, for whom she fasted for months, even through Nushki’s intense summer heat. Nushki is one of the hottest regions in Balochistan, but she remained steadfast in her prayers. Over the years, she sacrificed more than 25 goats and a cow, selling the gold jewelry she had saved for Sami’s wedding—a Baloch tradition where the groom’s family gifts gold according to their means.

Her son, Sami, who was then 18-years-old, was forcibly disappeared 15 years ago from Quetta, Balochistan. Since that day, this woman has known no peace. She shared that she often dreams of him, but in all her dreams, he is still a child. “It’s been 15 years, and now he’s grown up. I wish I could see him as he is now, in my dreams,” she says, her voice trembling.

For the past 15 years, Bibi Hajira has kept her door open—day and night, through the coldest winters and the fiercest storms. Not once has she shut it, even during the harshest weather. “I keep my door open because, maybe someday, in the middle of the night, Sami will come back from the dungeons and he will think of me that his mother didn’t wait for him,” she says. 

Her other children ask her not to leave the door open in winter, when the cold seeps into the house. But she remains firm. “I keep the door open because what if he returns late at night? I don’t want him to feel cold while waiting outside.”

Sami was a young boy, yet he volunteered as a tutor in Nushki. After his classes, he would come home for lunch and then return to teach the kids, spending his days this way.

“He was very sincere and sensitive, unlike my other children. He loved education,” his mother shared, her voice filled with pride. She recalled a moment when she told him, “Why are you wasting your time with these kids? Rest at home.”

His response still echoes in her heart: “They are our future, mother. Let them be educated.”

Sami Mengal was a Zoology student in his third semester at the University of Balochistan when he was abducted by the Frontier Corps (FC) in August 2009. It happened for the first time in Quetta’s Satellite Town, while he was on his way to teach a tuition class. He was accused of possessing a hand grenade and was kept in custody for 14 days. His case was brought before a session’s court in Quetta, and he was detained in the Central Jail for two months. A bail application was filed for him as his exams were scheduled for November. After appearing twice before the session court, he was released in November.

However, on November 16, 2009, after his court appearance, things took a darker turn. Sami’s elder brother, Abdul Rehman Mengal, was with him that day. They were at T. Dees tailor shop on Dr. Bano Road to collect Eid clothes. As the tailor was preparing to dispatch the garments, a black Vigo vehicle pulled up in front of the shop. “They were armed but in plain clothes. They covered our heads with clothes and took us to the Quetta cantonment. Our pictures were taken. Sami was then taken through another gate,” his brother recalled.

That was the last time Abdul Rehman would see his brother. An hour and a half later, they handcuffed Abdul Rehman, placed him in a car, and dropped him off on an empty road. They removed his handcuffs and threw him out of the car.

“It was desolate, and I could feel there were no humans around. I didn’t even know where I was. It was freezing cold,” he says. “The shawl I had been holding before the abduction was thrown over me, and they left.” He continued walking, struggling against the freezing cold of Quetta’s night. It wasn’t until later that he realized he was on Airport Road.

When they returned his mobile phone, he called his uncle. Around 4 p.m., they reached the Civil Lines Police Station in Quetta, but the police refused to file a report. The next day, Abdul Rehman held a press conference in Quetta and filed a Constitutional Petition in the High Court. Following the High Court’s orders, they were finally able to file an FIR.

Sami’s brother, Abdul Rehman, shared that in 2010, the Supreme Court formed the commission of inquiry for missing persons, with a mandate to investigate enforced disappearances and provide recommendations for eliminating this practice. 

Justice Fazal-ur-Rehman registered Sami’s case with the commission, and the proceedings began. At the same time, the case was ongoing in the High Court. However, Justice Faizi of the High Court later dismissed the case because Abdul Rehman, who was a professor at Nushki Degree College, missed a court hearing.

“I couldn’t travel from Nushki to Quetta for one hearing, and they dismissed the case. But justice was never given,” he recalled.

After the High Court dismissed the case, Abdul Rehman submitted a petition to the Supreme Court. During this time, the commission’s chief justice changed, and Justice Mohammad Ghaus took over. “He then rejected my case, citing the High Court’s dismissal,” he shared.

A year and a half later, a Supreme Court bench came to Quetta for registry, and Abdul Rehman brought Sami’s case before them again. “They sent my case back to the Commission on Missing Persons and overturned the High Court’s dismissal.”

Abdul Rehman further recounted that he was an eyewitness to Sami’s enforced disappearance, along with two others: the tailor who saw Sami taken and a third man, from Sindh, who was detained in the same torture cell as Sami. Upon his release, this man came to their mother and shared what he had seen. He even recorded a video testimony, which Abdul Rehman later submitted to the Joint Investigation Team (JIT).

During this time, Justice Fazal-ur-Rehman once again became head of the commission. Court proceedings continued, and the evidence was accepted, leading to the issuance of a production order for Sami. Still, there was no progress.

“I wrote another application to the commission,” Abdul Rehman said. “Five months later, I was summoned, only to be told to return after two months.” On his second visit, he was informed that the commission was awaiting explanations from the agencies. Another four to five months passed, yet the commission never summoned him again.

In 2012, a UN team on missing persons visited Pakistan and at Quetta at Serena Hotel to document cases of missing persons, and Abdul Rehman registered Sami’s case there as well. “To this day, we have no trace of him,” he said, his voice tinged with frustration.

“After following all the legal channels, Sami was never released. I still wonder how the court dismissed my case over missing a single hearing, while the judiciary itself failed to deliver justice in 15 years—even with all the evidence I provided,” he laments.

Rehman no longer believes in the judiciary or the law and has stopped going to court. “Sami was the youngest of us. My siblings and I have all grown up, and now we have children of our own. Deep down, I know Sami is no longer alive. The way the man from Sindh described his torture—no one could survive that. And even if he had, how could a young man endure such suffering for 15 years?”

Sami’s mother still held onto hope that when Sami was released, she would cook a feast for the entire town of Nushki, so everyone could celebrate his return.

At the Baloch Yakjehti Committee’s gathering in Nushki on August 12, families of the forcibly disappeared sat together, united in their grief. Among them was Hajira Bibi, enduring the extreme heat. Every ten minutes or so, she would lose consciousness, then wake, splash water on her head, and sit back up—only to faint again.

“I am weak now; it’s hard for me to even move,” she admitted. “But I wanted to be here, to show my presence for my beloved Sami, even if it means feeling this weakness and fainting over and over.”

Sami’s father died in 2017 waiting for his son. “Before he passed, he told me his final wish, which has since become my mission, even as I feel like I am nearing my own final days,” she shared. “He said, ‘If Sami is ever released, bring him to my grave and make him stand in a way that I can see him.’ I feel the weight of those words, feeling I failed as a wife because I couldn’t fulfill his wish and bring Sami to his father’s grave.’”

Although her movements are limited, she still attends protests, even in a wheelchair. “My children worry about me and try to stop me, but they’ve learned to let me go,” she said. “They think I’m being stubborn, but how can anyone understand the madness that grips a mother when her young, handsome son disappears?”

Hazaran Rahim Dad

The author is a Balochistan-based feature writer covering war and enforced disappearances in the province.

The post A Baloch Mother’s Agonizing Quest To Reunite With Her Missing Son appeared first on Dissent Today.

On Monday, Mahrang arrived at Karachi’s Jinnah International Airport where the officials told her she would not be allowed to board the flight. According to Mahrang, they did not offer any reason for their action.

Taking to X (formerly Twitter), Mahrang termed the incident as “a clear violation of my fundamental right to freedom of movement.” She asserted that the travel ban reflects the state’s increasing apprehension towards Baloch voices and an effort to suppress them.

Mahrang stated that this travel ban is part of a broader effort by the Pakistani government to silence Baloch activists and control the narrative surrounding the ongoing issues in Balochistan, which has a long-standing record of human rights abuses.

She said, “There was no valid justification for preventing my travel, except to ensure that Baloch perspectives remain unheard on the global stage.” The activist pledged to contest these restrictions, insisting, “I will resist this unfair infringement on my rights.”

Last month, another Baloch activist, Sammi Deen Baloch—daughter of the forcibly disappeared Dr. Deen Muhammad—was also stopped by immigration authorities at Karachi’s airport while trying to travel to Muscat, Oman.

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The post Pakistan Stops Activist Mahrang Baloch From Leaving Country to Attend TIME Magazine Event in New York appeared first on Dissent Today.

• March 27, 1948, when Pakistan forcibly annexed the Kalat State
• The attack on Khan Kalat’s residence on October 6, 1958, which resulted in his imprisonment
• The hanging of seven Baloch companions of Nawab Nauroz Khan in Hyderabad and Sukkur jails on July 15, 1960, after trials in military courts
• The unconstitutional dismissal of the Ataullah government on February 13, 1973
• The arrest of top Baloch leaders on August 16, 1973
• The wrongful arrest of Baloch leader Khair Bakhsh Marri on January 12, 2000
• The bombardment of Dera Bugti on March 17, 2005
• The brutal killing of former minister Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti on August 26, 2006
• The assassination of activist Sabeen Mahmud on April 24, 2015, after she hosted a discussion on Balochistan

More recently, the use of water cannons, tear gas, and baton charges against the protesting families of missing persons in Islamabad on December 21, 2023; the shooting of participants in a protest march in Mastung on July 27, 2023; and the brutal attacks on peaceful protesters in Gwadar on July 28-29 have further fueled the grievances of the Baloch people. Additionally, we must remember the names of individuals such as Saba Dashtyari, the victims found in the Tutak mass graves, Comrade Ghulam Mohammad and his friends, Hayat Baloch, and many other Baloch people who lost their lives.

BLA attack and demands for an “apology”

Completely disregarding the history of oppression faced by the Baloch people, Pakistan’s intelligentsia—along with certain segments of civil society—is currently demanding apologies from Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a young woman leading the Baloch struggle against oppression. This demand follows a recent terror attack carried out by Baloch separatists.

On August 25-26, during a well-coordinated attack, the militant group Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) targeted police stations, railway lines, and highways throughout the province. The assault resulted in the deaths of at least 73 individuals, including 21 militants from the BLA. The separatist group claimed responsibility for the attack on a Frontier Corps camp in Bela, as well as assaults on police stations and Levy posts. Additionally, they detonated a railway bridge in Bolan, blocked roads at several locations across Balochistan, burned vehicles, and forcibly detained individuals at Musakhail, which borders Punjab. The victims were targeted based on their identification cards, which revealed they were from the Punjab province.

The government reported that 21 militants were killed in response to the incident, and some bodies were discovered in Khuzdar and Hub. Several victims were identified by their relatives as missing persons in state custody. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Army Chief General Asim Munir, and Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi all visited the provincial capital of Quetta to develop a strategy to counter such incidents. The scale, depth, and duration of the BLA attacks not only exposed the government’s security lapses and failures but also highlighted the increased capabilities of militant groups in Balochistan.

Anyone with a basic understanding of what is generally considered ‘common sense’ will recognize that events do not occur in isolation.

‘Do you condemn BLA?’

The way Baloch activists are being pressured to condemn separatists despite them never having supported violence reminds me of a current global event. On October 7 last year, Palestinian fighters from the resistance group Hamas breached the Israeli border and launched attacks on military installations and civilian areas. As a result, Israel experienced between 1,100 and 1,200 fatalities, with numerous individuals taken hostage as the remaining Hamas fighters retreated to Gaza.

The international community expressed shock at the brutality of the attacks. Governments worldwide—including those from developed, developing, and underdeveloped nations, as well as the so-called Muslim Ummah—swiftly condemned Hamas’s actions. There was widespread outrage, with many perceiving the incident as a significant injustice. However, this condemnation of Hamas by the international community has, paradoxically, resulted in escalating acts of violence against Palestinians, which have continued unabated to this day. With few exceptions, the global response has remained largely silent, allowing Israel to kill, injure, starve, displace, and terrorize Palestinians with apparent impunity, based on the belief that Hamas’s actions constituted terrorism—an outrage in its own right.

The atrocities, killings, displacements, and denial of land to the Palestinian people, along with the cultural and economic genocide they have faced since Israel was established in 1948, are often overlooked because Hamas killed 1,100 Israelis. How can the world’s conscience reflect on itself each day and feel content with the deaths of over 40,000 people in Gaza alone since October 7, 2023, disregarding the suffering of Palestinians since 1948?

Throughout this time, those condemning the atrocities in Gaza are being pressured to first denounce Hamas. In a similar manner, following the recent BLA attack in Pakistan, there has been widespread outrage demanding apologies and clarifications from Dr. Mahrang and anyone else with “Baloch” in their name. This expectation for apologies seems reserved for the weaker side, while the powerful conveniently overlook the plight of the victims.

Have any political leaders—Nawaz Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif, Asif Zardari, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, or Imran Khan—ever apologized for the “kill and dump” policy, the Tutak mass graves, the extrajudicial killings, or the regular baton charges against protesting Baloch women who are relatives of missing persons? They are powerful enough to evade accountability. They did not apologize for the atrocities in Bangladesh in 1971, which were conveniently brushed under the carpet in hopes that the world—and most Pakistanis—would soon forget.

How many of those outraged by the attack on August 26 have ever offered a word of condemnation for the killings and abductions of Baloch individuals, even those from universities in Islamabad and Lahore? Why are only the Baloch supposed to condemn violence, while others are exempt from this duty? Why is the killing of certain individuals considered tragic while that of others deemed acceptable?

Are the Baloch students who are taken and held in dungeons for months, only to be released later, considered combatants? Moreover, when they are released, many are left in a vegetative state. A daughter of a missing person who was released after spending time in a dungeon shared with me that she didn’t recognize her father because he appeared to be 75 years old. For quite some time, his mental state resembled that of a child. What pain and trauma do the families of missing individuals endure, and what agony do the families of those released experience upon seeing the condition of their loved ones? Wouldn’t a desire for revenge and a yearning for justice arise in the minds of relatives who suffer so greatly?

The state’s failure

The rulers have attempted to address the Baloch rights issue with force rather than seeking to understand, listen, and engage in dialogue. They had an opportunity to do so when Sardar Ataullah Mengal formed the government in Balochistan in May 1972, but they squandered it by dismissing his government. Although militant groups announced a unilateral ceasefire in September 2008, there was no response, leading them to resume fighting in January 2009. This situation illustrates that Balochistan has been an ongoing tragedy, and the attitude of the rulers suggests that it will continue to be so.

The absurd statement recently made by the Interior Minister, claiming that militancy in Balochistan can be controlled by a Station House Officer (SHO), is not only ludicrous but also reflects the mindset of government officials; he is not alone in holding such views. After the ‘Tandoori Incident’ on May 18, 1973, in which eight Dir Scouts were killed, General Tikka Khan declared in a message to Radio Pakistan that “miscreants would be apprehended in 72 hours.” However, those 72 hours extended into 1977 and beyond. State officials have consistently been out of touch with the realities on the ground in Balochistan.

Neither Hamas’s actions on October 7 nor the BLA’s actions on August 26, 2024, should be viewed in isolation from the larger historical context affecting both groups over the past 75 years. Those leftists who condemn the BLA while supporting Hamas are politically and ideologically inconsistent. The same applies to individuals who regard Kashmiris as freedom fighters while labeling the Baloch as terrorists.

Violence begets violence, and it is never a viable path to resolution. The violence faced by the Baloch has been imposed by the state, and they have responded in kind. Some well-meaning individuals have suggested that the events of August 26 may lead to further repression of the Baloch. However, has life ever been a bed of roses for the Baloch? They have suffered violence as a routine part of their lives for a long time.

The incident on August 26 should serve as an eye-opener for those in charge of this country. First and foremost, they must recognize that this violence stems from the actions they carry out through the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), various agencies, and state-sponsored death squads. Additionally, the significant participation of militants on that day should, upon honest reflection, highlight the level of resentment prevalent in Balochistan. This resentment drives young people to risk their lives and endanger their relatives, particularly since those identified often face ongoing repercussions.

The tragic incident should be considered a lesson rather than a starting point for a new wave of vengeance and violence against the rights and lives of people in Balochistan. Unfortunately, it seems that this lesson is not being learned, as the grim reality of repression continues to surface with the discovery of many missing persons’ bodies in Khuzdar, Bolan, and other areas. Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect Dissent Today’s editorial policy.

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

The post Those Demanding Apologies from the Baloch Need a Lesson in History appeared first on Dissent Today.

Reflecting on the 2018 elections, where Imran Khan’s PTI secured victory amidst allegations of collaboration with the powerful military establishment, the political stage in Balochistan appears even more convoluted as the upcoming polls near. The complexities are heightened as former prime minister Nawaz Sharif makes a controversial return to the political arena, accompanied by allegations of systematic cleansing of those not aligned with his cause.

Balochistan becomes a battleground for political engineering, where power corridors employ familiar tactics to stifle opposition and shape the electoral narrative, leaving the province in a crisis. 

The echoes of 2018 continue to be heard as similar tactics, such as sidelining the National Party, another key nationalist political group in Balochistan, continue to pose a threat to democracy in the province. 

These repeated tactics, exemplified by the initial rejection of Sardar Akhter Mengal’s nomination papers, threaten to worsen the already extensive political grievances in Balochistan. The province is already grappling with long-standing humanitarian crises, and the people’s disillusionment with the federation intensifies as they perceive a lack of interest in addressing their urgent issues.

The gap between Balochistan and the central government is growing, fueled by a sense of neglect and frustration resulting from electoral maneuvers that seem to undermine the essence of democracy. At this critical juncture, the province risks drifting further away from the federation as Balochistan’s people question the commitment of the broader political landscape to genuinely resolve enduring crises.

Ahead of the general elections, Balochistan finds itself marginalized, overshadowed by the strategic interests of mainstream political parties.

For example, concerns arise with the selection of candidates from Nawaz Sharif’s party, PMLN, for the upcoming election. The party’s decision to prioritize so-called “electables,” who are perceived to be aligned with power corridors, rather than candidates committed to public welfare, adds to the apprehensions.

The people of Balochistan fear that governments acting as proxies for the powerful military will advance their self-serving agendas at the expense of the public’s well-being. This fear is reflected in the voter turnout during the 2018 elections, which was notably lower in Balochistan compared to the national average. This stark contrast increases anxieties about further political manipulation and a growing disconnect between the aspirations of the Baloch people and the political processes in the rest of the country.

Ahead of the general elections, Balochistan finds itself marginalized, overshadowed by the strategic interests of mainstream political parties. With only 16 national assembly seats out of a total of 266, the province becomes a pawn in the larger political game. This marginalization leaves Balochistan in the hands of “electables,” political figures driven more by opportunism than a genuine commitment to principles or the welfare of the people. This results in a longing for genuine representation and a political landscape that reflects the diverse aspirations of the Baloch people.

Balochistan, the largest province of Pakistan, faces a range of challenges, from health and education to climate change and human rights violations. The struggle for justice in the province takes place in the context of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, creating a symphony of crises that resonates through its communities.

The haunting specter of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings casts a shadow over Balochistan, portraying a region grappling not only with the tangible difficulties of daily life, but also with the intangible toll of denied rights and deferred justice. Despite these interconnected crises, the people of Balochistan persevere, seeking not just survival, but a future where the symphony transforms into progress and lasting peace.

In the whispers of Balochistan, the recent long march stands as a poignant testament to the deep distrust among the people. This march, which has now turned into a persistent camp at the National Press Club in Islamabad, is an impassioned plea against enforced disappearances. It represents an expression of the people’s exhaustion and disillusionment with the current political leadership. They seek change and solace in a new leader, Mahrang Baloch, who embodies their hope for a better future.

As we navigate the complex political terrain of Balochistan, questions arise. What has truly changed in 2023? The answers may lie in the resilience of the people and their urgent call for a political landscape that genuinely addresses their aspirations and concerns.

Ali Manzoor Baloch

The writer is a media graduate and aspiring journalist from Balochistan, based in Islamabad.

The post As Pakistan Heads to the Polls, Sense of Disillusionment Going Strong in Balochistan appeared first on Dissent Today.

The Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), which operates as an officially-sanctioned death squad, has recently adopted a tactic of killing individuals held in custody in staged encounters. This phenomenon has further intensified crimes against the Baloch, who have been brutally terrorized and repressed since 1948. The Baloch nation can no longer be expected to suffer silently.

Due to the absence of the rule of law in the country, and the judiciary being as ineffective as a discarded dishrag, the commissions formed, such as “The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance”, are meant to whitewash the state’s organized and systematic policy of enforced disappearances. They also seek to intimidate and harass Baloch women who seek justice for their disappeared family members. These commissions have only succeeded in bullying Baloch complainants and misleading the general public about the issue of Baloch missing persons.

The Commission for Missing Baloch Students formed under Sardar Akhtar Mengal has also proven to be ineffective, as its report has been ignored. Students continue to be picked up in Islamabad and Balochistan with impunity, which proves that these commissions are worthless and have only been created to defuse rising resentment. These commissions do not have the trust of the affected people who have seen too many of these worthless entities.

The Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), which operates as an officially-sanctioned death squad, has recently adopted a tactic of killing individuals held in custody in staged encounters. This phenomenon has further intensified crimes against the Baloch, who have been brutally terrorized and repressed since 1948. The Baloch nation can no longer be expected to suffer silently.

When the judiciary is helpless and the commissions are worthless, the question arises: what should the people do? They cannot be expected to let their loved ones remain at the mercy of the state, which continues to abduct them without even stating or proving what crimes they were accused of. Naturally, the only recourse available to them is to protest against the injustices perpetrated against them in Balochistan. These protests are unacceptable to the state and are either barred, blocked, or brutally dispersed, or misrepresented as part of an enemy agenda. The victims are stigmatized, and people in general blame them instead of the perpetrators of the crimes against humanity.

The Baloch have long protested peacefully for the recovery of their loved ones but have faced state’s highhandedness in response. Mama Abdul Qadeer Baloch, whose son Jalil Reki was a victim of disappearance and extrajudicial killing in November 2011, has been sitting outside Press Clubs for more than 5000 days, demanding recovery of the missing persons and an end to extra-judicial killings, but he is ignored.

Mama Qadeer, along with Farzana Majeed and female members of missing persons’ families, marched from Quetta to Karachi on October 27, 2013, and then onwards from Karachi to Islamabad, reaching there on March 1, 2014. This 106-day-long march was traversed on foot in difficult conditions, as the government put up obstacles, both social and physical, to deter the marchers. Despite the odds, these brave marchers accomplished a truly historic feat. I was a part of this historical march for 26 days. The public became aware of the issue of missing persons, but the state ignored it, and the disappearances continued.

The Baloch protests have long gone unheard 

When Zahid Baloch, the Chairman of BSO-Azad, was picked up in Quetta on March 18, 2014, with Asad Baloch, the organization, under Banuk Karima Baloch, decided to wait in hope that they would be released. However, after realizing that they would not be released, they started a hunger strike in Karachi on April 22, 2014. After 46 days, at the persuasion of civil society, Baloch elders, and myself, the emaciated hunger striker Latif Johar ended his strike on June 6, 2014. This protest also went unheeded.

There was a protest in Islamabad in February 2021 by Sammi Deen, Haseba Qambarani, and other affected persons. After a long delay, the then Minister of so-called Human Rights, Shireen Mazari, met them and promised a meeting with the then Prime Minister Imran Khan, which led to the protest ending. However, the meeting with Imran Khan was fruitless, and the grievances of the protesters were not addressed. Thankfully, Haseeba’s cousin and brother were eventually released.

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearance is meant to whitewash the state’s organized and systematic policy of enforced disappearances. It also seeks to intimidate and harass Baloch women who seek justice for their disappeared family members.

Killings in fake “encounters” 

In response to the kidnapping and killing of Lt Col Laiq of the Pakistan Army on July 12, 2022, near Ziarat, 9 Baloch men who were already in state custody were killed in a fake encounter. The affected Baloch families started a protest in the Quetta Red Zone, which continued for 50 days and ended on assurances from ministers in Islamabad. However, nothing positive was done to address the grievances of the protesters.

On the night of November 22, 2023, the CTD claimed to have killed four terrorists in an encounter on Pasni Road in Turbat and recovered a large number of weapons. Among the four killed was Balach Mola Bakhsh, who was picked up on October 29, 2023. On November 21, a case of weapon possession was registered against him, and he was produced in court. His bail hearing was scheduled for the 23rd, but the CTD preempted it by killing him in a fake encounter along with three others who were already in custody.

The family, relatives, and friends protested on the 25th with Balach’s body outside the sessions court. The court ordered that an FIR be registered against the CTD, but the police refused to do so. The protest gained strength as thousands of women and men joined it. These were the largest protests seen in the area, and the number of protesters kept increasing. The family eventually buried the body after 7 days. The protest continued to expand, and after two weeks, on December 5th, they ended the protest in Turbat and decided to hold a sit-in in Quetta.

The latest Baloch awakening is a response to the Pakistani state’s repression of the Baloch which has continued unabated for over 70 years

Throughout their journey to Quetta, people came out in droves to show support and condemn the injustices against the Baloch. They reached Quetta on the 11th and began the sit-in. The Baloch Yakjehti Committee then decided to move the protest to Islamabad and left on the 15th evening, passing through Kohlu, Dera Ghazi Khan, Taunsa Sharif, and other cities, and finally reaching Islamabad on the 20th.

On the 21st, which also marked Banuk Karima’s 3rd death anniversary, the police unleashed a brutal assault on the protesters with batons, teargas, and water cannons, and arrested all of them. In the lockups, they beat up the women protesters as well. After widespread outcry, the women were released, but they were forced to board a bus to send them back to Quetta, which the conscientious drivers refused to comply with. The boys and men were kept in jail awaiting bail, as if peacefully protesting was a crime.

Mistreatment meted out to Baloch protestors in Islamabad 

The treatment of Baloch protesters in Islamabad was criminal and shameful, for which the caretakers are responsible and will have to answer someday. It remains to be seen how some supposedly liberal individuals like Murtaza Solangi will face the people once he is out of the cabinet.

The brutality was perpetrated to break the spirit of the protestors, but these souls have seen enough trauma and anguish to be deterred by this physical violence. The protestors are led by the indomitable, brave, dedicated, and eloquent Mahrang Baloch. As her spirit has not flagged, neither has the spirit of others who are equally brave and dedicated. The caretakers and those before them, ad infinitum, are not in any way friends of Baloch. If they were, the repression would have been replaced by recognition of rights at some stage.

To add insult to injury, some journalists, while interviewing Mahrang, confronted her with the repeated question, “Do you condemn the BLA, BLF?”. This was done to intimidate her and present the protestors as supporters of militancy in Balochistan. However, the cool-headed Mahrang eloquently countered the journalists’ aggressiveness with logical answers. Sadly,  many journalists come to protestors at the behest of their mentors in the establishment to malign the Baloch and their peaceful protest, so that people may refrain from supporting them. Some Islamabad journalists are notorious for this kind of attitude. When the VBMP Long March reached Islamabad on 1st March 2014, the same type of questions were thrown at the participants, and they had been forcefully answered by Farzana Majeed, sister of Zakir Majeed, who has been missing since 2009.

This sort of bullying and attempted intimidation of peaceful protestors by Pakistani journalists just adds to the already infamous reputation of the press and media of Pakistan, which incidentally also has the largest number of journalists killed for presenting the truth. These bullying journalists besmirch the noble name of the truthful journalists and should be called out and exposed as enemies of truth and servants of the establishment.

People unaware of Balochistan’s political dynamics are surprised that the Baloch protests are being traumatized in Islamabad at a time when a politician from Balochistan is serving as the PM. They fail to understand that Anwar Kakar is the PM not because he cares for the anguish and pain of Baloch, but because he is expected to help his mentors in the establishment inflict more pain on the Baloch. He was installed there not for any services to the Baloch, but because he has faithfully served the establishment, supported their injustices, and helped malign those Baloch who struggle for their rights.

We need to understand that this awakening is not something out of the blue. It is the result of the Pakistani state’s unabated repression of the Baloch that has continued for over 70 years and the ceaseless resistance to these injustices by the Baloch. The blood and tears shed over the years have given birth to this unparalleled wave of protest from Balochistan.

Repression has given birth to the fearlessness of Karima Baloch, who blazed the trail for Baloch women to come out and speak out fearlessly against the injustices and for the rights of the Baloch. She was an icon in her life and even more so after her tragic death. She inspires Baloch women to resist oppression of all sorts. Mahrang Baloch, who is now the face of peaceful resistance, is also a product of state repression. Her father, Ghaffar Langove, was abducted by the State, and his mutilated body was thrown in July 2011.

Sammi Deen, whose father Dr. Deen Mohammad has been missing since 2009, is also the undying spirit behind this awakening. There are so many unnamed Mahrangs and Sammis among the Baloch women who strive and struggle for Baloch rights and the recovery of their loved ones who remain missing, and their fates unknown.

The Baloch women and children have suffered unbearably from injustices, and the Pakistani State and its caretaker government decided to inflict more pain on them in Islamabad, where they came in hope of redemption from their woes. What happened in Islamabad to the Baloch children, women, and men on December 21 and the continuing harassment of the protesters after that, will not be easily forgiven or forgotten. It will only strengthen the people’s resolve to struggle against a callous and heartless state.

Those hoping to break the Baloch spirit should understand that the more they repress, the more we will resist. The more you repress, the more Karimas, Sammis, and Mahrangs you will have to face, and it is you who will eventually be defeated.

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

The post The Latest Baloch Uprising Cannot Be Defeated appeared first on Dissent Today.