Not to mention General Zia ul Haq’s Islamization process which did undoable damage to the country. 

The history of this phenomenon dates back centuries. In 1857, when the Mughal Empire breathed its last and power transitioned from the Muslims to the British Raj, Muslims were humiliated by the Raj, whereas Hindus were quick to adapt to the methods of their new masters. But the demoralized and humiliated Muslim nation without power for the first time in centuries was not so quick in adapting to the changing circumstances. Instead of introspecting on their own failures, they were quick to bring in Islam and saw their loss as a divine punishment. They thought that Allah had inflicted his anger and displeasure on the Muslims because they didn’t follow the teachings of Islam and left the path of the Almighty, and for Muslims to reclaim their glory, they must return to Islam.

Eight years after the rebellion against the British, in 1866, Dar ul-Uloom Deoband was established by two renowned Muslim scholars, Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohi. The effort was first aimed at preaching Jihad against the British Raj; as viewed by Nanautavi, “European Christians were now masters of the land long ruled by Indian Muslims”. Similarly, for Khan, he is the only one who deserves to have the throne which was “stolen” from him by his political rivals.

He promised an Islamic utopia to his followers and sought their loyalty by promising to turn Pakistan into a “Riasat e Madina” (state of Medina), but failed. In October 2018, the Supreme Court of Pakistan announced its verdict in blasphemy-accused Christian woman Asia Bibi’s case and acquitted her. The verdict sparked fierce outrage from Islamic hardliners, whom Khan once sided with during the Faizabad protests against the then government of Pakistan Muslim League – N (PML-N) just a year ago. Workers and supporters of religious extremist group, Tehreek-e-Labaik Pakistan (TLP) took to the streets and vandalized public property. Khan then addressed the nation and defended the Supreme Court’s verdict, only to take a u-turn later. Khan played the politics of appeasement and capitulated to the demands of the TLP. It was the first of many instances where his government sided with hardliners to appease them. In October 2021, a parliamentary committee rejected the Anti-Forced Conversion Bill, which criminalized forced conversions, terming the bill “anti-Islamic and against the Constitution of Pakistan.”

Imran Khan also formed the “Rehmatul-lil-Alameen Authority”, tasked with keeping the state structure in alignment with the teachings of Islam and Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Writing for The Express Tribune in January 2022, Imran Khan laid more emphasis on the purpose of Rehmatul-lil-Alameen authority, which would engage in “amr bil maroof” (doing good), with its primary duty being the moral, ethical, and spiritual development of youth at the school and university levels.

This is where Imran Khan was wrong. Religion is a private matter. No state should use its authority to intervene in it at any level, as it drifts the state away from its other obligations. The continuous use of religion in politics also shifts the focus of public debate away from real-world issues, such as law and order, poverty, inflation, governance, terrorism, etc., that weaker democracies like Pakistan face. But for Khan It appears that he has mastered the art of nationalism. The agitation we saw since April 2022, which peaked on May 9, was to create a political crisis to force the state to bow down before Khan directly, but he failed to make that happen.

Imran Khan thinks the country cannot survive without him. He does not believe in dialogue, and he is willing to hold negotiations with the Taliban but not with his political rivals. Since the vote of no confidence against him, Khan has played all his hands to force one political crisis after another. First, his party resigned from the National Assembly, 123 of his party members submitted their resignation en masse to the speaker of the National Assembly and walked out of the parliament. Then Khan dissolved the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa assemblies; his party was majority in both provinces, yet he failed to get early elections.

The current position of Khan is like that of a lone warrior who burned all his boats long before entering the endgame. Now a challenge awaits him at the battlefront. To keep his warriors charged up to fight the battle, he needs something. With no governance performance to his credit to show to his supporters, he will be on a Religious Nationalism run. One cannot ask or expect Khan to stop using the religion card, because it pays dividends without any big investment.

Zubair Ahmad

The writer is a graduate of FAST National University.

The post How Imran Khan Mastered the Art of Manipulation appeared first on Dissent Today.

Provincial caretaker information minister Amir Mir issued these remarks while addressing PTI Chairman Imran Khan’s claims that hundreds of PTI women workers are in several jails across the province and are being mistreated.

The caretaker minister said that 32 women were arrested on terrorism charges for their alleged involvement in May 9 attacks on military installations following the arrest of former prime minister Imran Khan. He added that of the 32 women, only 11 are in prison across the provinces while the remaining have been released.

Amir Mir also dismissed the rumours of mistreatment or alleged rape of the PTI women in jails.

“We can’t even imagine mistreating women,” he said.

On May 9, former prime minister Imran Khan was arrested by rangers from Islamabad High Court (IHC) on corruption charges and was released four days later. Following the arrest, the PTI leaders and workers attacked military installations. Top military brass and civilian leaders have decided to hold trials of PTI protestors in military courts amid severe condemnation from human rights groups.

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Defence Minister Khawaja Asif had said that the government is considering banning the PTI for attacking the “very basis of state”, while referring to the PTI protestors’ attack on army installations across the country on May 9. The military and civil leaders have also decided to hold trials of civilians involved in the May 9 attacks in military court.

ANP Secretary General Mian Iftikhar Hussian along with ANP’s Provincial President Asghar Khan Achakzai and Central Joint Secretary Rasheed Nasar held a press conference and said they were against banning any political party in the country. However, they blamed the PTI chief for the current political crisis in the country, as well as the resurgence of terrorism.

The ANP leaders said the PTI chief should be held accountable for his actions, while adding that the PTI does not believe in political solutions.

Blaming former prime minister Imran Khan for the political crisis in the country, the ANP leaders said that Khan was ousted from the Prime Minister’s Office through a vote of no confidence by parliament. However, he started blaming the US government and the ruling coalition government for his ouster, destabilising the country.

They also held Khan responsible for implementing policies that have led to rise in terrorism in the country, Dawn reported.

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The anchorperson was abducted by “eight to ten unidentified men” who intercepted Abraham’s vehicle on the service road of Sixth Avenue at Sector G-6 in Islamabad at 9pm while he was heading home from the BOL TV office.

Abraham’s brother, Ali Raza, has filed a complaint in this regard with the Aabpara Police, saying that Abraham was picked up by unidentified men and the family was unaware of his whereabouts.

According to Dawn, the journalist has been arrested by police. However, Islamabad police have issued a statement saying they would cooperate with the journalist’s family in tracking him down.

Another pro-PTI anchorperson Imran Riaz Khan’s whereabouts also remains unknown after he was arrested by police at Sialkot airport on May 11.

On May 22, Punjab police told the Lahore High Court (LHC) that anchorperson Imran Riaz Khan was not present at any police station across Pakistan.

Human rights defenders have strongly condemned the crackdown against PTI leaders and supporters.

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But ask yourself whether this is why Imran Khan finds fault with the military. Obviously not! I cannot think of a single occasion where he has criticized the army’s business interests, land grabs, pursuance of enmities with our neighbors, or deplored the Taliban’s atrocities. Khan’s only gripe with the army is that after hoisting him into power it lost enthusiasm and turned “neutral”. Only animals are neutral, he famously said. We all know how earlier on he proudly would repeatedly declare that he and the army are – to quote his famous phrase – “on the same page”.

In a nutshell, Imran Khan will happily reconcile with the army as long as it will help return him to power. He hopes that they can be on the same page again. But that page is not one of democracy, more personal liberties, elimination of corruption, or economic equality through land reform. PTI’s protests are only about one thing – returning Khan to the throne which he believes rightly belongs to him. He has no manifesto for doing away with the systemic ills that have plagued Pakistan since its birth; in fact they are not even mentioned these days. Khan’s is a naked power grab. Democrats and progressives need to understand that.

Senior leaders leaving PTI – a case of coercion?

Meanwhile, senior PTI leader Shireen Mazari has announced she is quitting PTI and active politics after her release from jail. Many other leaders have left the party in the past few days. This is indeed a clear case of coercion. While Mazari and others have my sympathy – and I hope they do not get physically hurt – please note that these people didn’t stand for any principle and their stint in power was only to defend their boss and his policies. Never did they do anything to recover the thousands who went missing in Balochistan. Mazari has jumped parties countless times and was always very close to the army, but ultimately had to choose between that and her boss. Others like Fayyaz ul Hassan Chohan have also been forced to jump off the bandwagon. Those who had enjoyed power – which is all that they wanted in any case – are unwilling to bet on Imran Khan anymore.

A superior force is getting its way. May 9 has become a rallying cry for the army. Imran Khan badly miscalculated the consequences of taking the army head-on in this way. His party will now be broken up and whittled down to a bunch of die-hards. Is this resurgence of the military good for Pakistan? No, not at all.

Still, in the larger scheme of things, it does not matter whether or not the army, PTI, and PDM negotiate it out. It’s the economic collapse which is more serious. And still more serious is the drift towards extremism of a large, religiously intoxicated population which, in the blink of an eye, can be whipped up into a frenzy and which lynches anyone accused of blasphemy. In all essential matters the army, PTI, and PDM are very much on the same page. What Pakistan needs to do is turn the page.

Failure of project Imran – any lessons learned?

The military establishment has learned no lessons from the failure of Project Imran. The army is too powerful, too entrenched, and too deeply imbued with the notion that it is the only savior of Pakistan. The retreat we are presently seeing is purely temporary, and the offence posture is coming back. Yes, Project Imran crashed and therefore last November we had outgoing General Qamar Javed Bajwa’s famous mea culpa where he confessed that for seven decades the army had “unconstitutionally interfered in politics”.

May 9 has become a rallying cry for the army. Imran Khan badly miscalculated the consequences of taking the army head-on in this way. His party will now be broken up and whittled down to a bunch of die-hards. But this resurgence of the military is not good for Pakistan.

Even with Project Imran’s failure, the army’s thinking is much as before: those “bloody civilians” will make a mess of things if given too much latitude and so the army sees itself remaining the final guardian of Pakistan’s national interest. Of course this “interest” is that which the army perceives. It does not coincide with that of the ordinary Pakistani. While many emerging countries have also suffered periods of military dictatorship – Indonesia and Argentina being examples – there was enough learning there, and military rule did not recur. Pakistan is different.

As things stand, the oligarchy that rules Pakistan is largely Punjabi and largely military with just a smattering of civilians. It sees no way to preserve its extraordinary privileges except through a large military which justifies its size by invoking Kashmir. Fortunately for them, Kashmir has no foreseeable resolution. The army wants to keep the country in a state of mind just short of war; and so Kashmir gives sanction to the military’s permanent dominance over every other institution. Civilian leadership is not allowed to challenge this basic, written-in-stone rule. Where and when needed, fanatical religious groups – Deobandi earlier and Barelvi later – are to be cultivated and used as per the need of the moment.

Even with Project Imran’s failure, the army’s thinking is much as before: those “bloody civilians” will make a mess of things if given too much latitude, and so the army sees itself remaining the final guardian of Pakistan’s “national interest”.

What triggered attacks on military installations?

A broader sense of frustration among the masses due to the economic crisis was surely part of the reason for the May 9 protests and ransacking of military installations. With a single naan costing 18+ Rs. and petrol hovering around 280 Rs. per liter, there would surely be anger at those at the top. But that’s not a good enough explanation for such extreme actions. There is also a strong sense of betrayal. Let’s remember that the vandalisation of the corps commander’s house happened in Lahore where every third street is named after some war hero. The PTI protesters were venting anger at the fact that the army had now turned against the greatest and most wonderful of their heroes, i.e. their party’s leader.

But this is still not the full explanation. Normally a sensible person does not go even near an army or ISI installation. One knows that their visible fortifications are supplemented with hidden surveillance cameras – and possibly snipers as well. So how did the rioters manage to pick up so much courage? Why was there no resistance? Could it be that there were people inside who had assured them of their cooperation? Many questions remain.

Drawing parallels with 1971

Imran Khan recently drew equivalence between the establishment’s treatment of PTI and atrocities committed against the people of East Pakistan in the lead up to the creation of Bangladesh. Following this, his supporters on social media have been pushing the narrative that PTI is being treated the way Awami League and its supporters were treated by the military in the 1970s. I wonder why it took Imran Khan 50 years to realize that East Pakistan had been wronged by West Pakistan. Never before had he made any such mention. Drawing parallels with 1971 couldn’t be more absurd. The Bengalis were not just against being ruled by the army but also by the entire political elite of West Pakistan. They were victims of ethnic prejudice by virtue of being shorter and darker. Their denigration started in 1948 with Mr. Jinnah seeking to impose Urdu upon Bengalis during his very first post-partition visit to Dacca. That went on with Bengalis becoming second-class citizens in their own land. Is Mr. Khan saying he and his supporters are being treated like Bengalis? There can’t be anything more absurd.

That Khan should attempt to equate the severity of the present repression with that of 1971 is even more nonsensical. Let’s remember that there were millions of Bengalis who fled to India, and that mass rape was used as a weapon of war. The infamous General Tikka Khan is on record of saying “hum in haramzadon ki nasl badl daengay” (We will alter the race of these bastards). And let’s not forget that the students of Dacca University were machine gunned while sleeping in their hostels. That’s not even remotely connected with the present.

Mobs as a form of political expression

There are basically only two ways by which any conflict can be handled. The first is by trying to outshout your opponent or, if that does not work, by using fists and then guns. The second is through exercise of reason, understanding your opponent’s position, and then seeking to either win him over or defeat him through the force of logic. Unfortunately the upbringing and education of Pakistanis is strongly anti-logic, so PTI and PDM are equally illogical. Our heroes are those who lived by the sword, not those who lived by the pen. Mohammed bin Qasim and Mahmood Ghazni are hugely admired but Al-Farabi and Ibn-e-Rushd are barely known. Imran Khan idolizes Ertugrul, remember?

That mobs have become an important form of political expression is proof of how faith overpowers reason within our culture. In the present case it is not religious craziness but, rather, it is faith in Imran Khan as the messiah who will deliver Pakistan from every evil.

Justice is the right of all humans, and PTI rioters should be tried as per rules of the criminal justice system. Trying civilians in a military court violates the basic principles of justice. Instead, they must be allowed to defend themselves in a fair, transparent trial with access to their legal counsels.

Pervez Hoodbhoy

The author is an Islamabad-based physicist and writer

The post Dismantling Of PTI And Lessons Unlearned appeared first on Dissent Today.

The PTI supporter, identified as Jan Muhammad, has been arrested for stealing the Corp Commander’s uniform.

In a video statement released on social media platforms, the protester said that he had set up a camp outside PTI Chairman Imran Khan’s Zaman Park house. He claimed that Imran Khan had called a meeting where a plan was made in case of his arrest. He names several party leaders, including Yasmin Rashid, for telling workers to attack Corps Commander’s house.

9 May rioter who stole Core Commander’s uniform arrested, says he was asked in Zaman Park by PTI leaders to attack the military installation and burn everything pic.twitter.com/QQr097oeN5

— Murtaza Ali Shah (@MurtazaViews) May 23, 2023

Following former prime minister Imran Khan’s arrest by Rangers on May 9, violent protests erupted across the country. The PTI supporters stormed the Corps Commander’s house in Lahore and the army headquarters in Rawalpindi. Military and civil leaders have vowed strict action against the PTI workers and since then a number of workers have been arrested in a crackdown against the party. Top military brass has decided to try the PTI protesters who attacked military installations under the Army Act.

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Former prime minister Imran Khan quoted this survey in a recorded message he posted on Twitter. He also referred to the survey results, which show his popularity stands at 75 per cent in Punjab, during an interview with an international media outlet.

The News reported that the Islamabad-based think tank was established by a retired police officer five months ago. 10-15 volunteer students interviewed 100,000 people across Punjab, visiting over 4000 union councils, in 5 days — 75 per cent of whom supported Imran Khan.

Many online ‘surveys’ conducted by the think tank also appear to favour PTI.

آپ چودہ مئی کو پنجاب اسمبلی الیکشن میں کس سیاسی جماعت کو ووٹ ڈال رہے ہیں؟

— Republic Policy (@republicpolicy) May 13, 2023

However, the think tank has denied they are affiliated with any political party, saying they are an “independent organistation”.

Why have you pinned it? The reason, we have responded you.
You have a journalistic right to dissect & criticize our surveys, researches, thesis, studies & analysis.

But, you can not blame us to be affiliated with a political party.

It is not yellow but shallow journalism. We… https://t.co/OXc9J5QWq0

— Republic Policy (@republicpolicy) May 19, 2023

Earlier, PTI supporters shared a video on social media from 2019 in which a woman can be seen being tortured by party’s Member Provincial Assembly Chaudhry Fazal ul Haq, falsely claiming that she is a PTI supporter being beaten up by security agencies’ officials.

In the past, Imran Khan has also issued misleading statements. He had claimed that over 80 cases were registered against him when less than 40 cases were registered against him.

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On Wednesday, the Punjab government gave a 24-hour ultimatum to PTI to hand over “30 to 40 suspects” involved in attacking army installations after the arrest of former prime minister Imran Khan, claiming these “terrorists” were hiding in Zaman Park.

Zaman Park and surrounding areas have been closed to traffic by the police authorities.

The Canal Road has been blocked on both sides while Gurumangat Road was also closed for traffic.

The PTI supporters set up camps outside Zaman Park in March this year to resist police operations against the party chairman.

Violent protests erupted across the country last week after Imran Khan was arrested from the premises of Islamabad High Court (IHC) by Rangers on corruption charges.

The protesters stormed the military buildings, including Corps Commander Lahore’s residence and Pakistan Army headquarters in Rawalpindi. The protesters set ablaze a number of public and private properties as well.

Following last week’s protests, the authorities have arrested a number of PTI supporters and the military has vowed to prosecute the people involved in attacking military installations under Army Act, drawing severe condemnation from human rights quarters.

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In an interview with a local channel, the PTI senator said the party leadership had nothing to do with the workers’ actions.

He said the PTI workers were involved in attacking military installations, but no party leader had ordered them to do so.

He endorsed the prosecution of party supporters who stormed military and civil installations following the arrest of party chairman Imran Khan under the Army Act and Official Secrets.

Earlier, the government also endorsed the military’s decision to try PTI supporters under the Army Act and Official Secrets Act, despite criticism from human rights quarters.

Violent protests erupted across the country last week after former prime minister Imran Khan was arrested from the premises of Islamabad High Court (IHC) by Rangers on corruption charges.

The protesters stormed the military buildings, including Corps Commander Lahore’s residence and Pakistan Army headquarters in Rawalpindi. The protesters set ablaze a number of public and private properties as well.

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The video was widely shared across social media platforms by PTI supporters. Social media users also called out the PTI supporters for sharing the video with false claims.

A social media user falsely claimed that the security agencies’ officials were torturing a PTI worker.

سابقہ مشرقی پاکستان میں اپنی پتلونیں چھوڑ کر آنے والے بزدل پی ٹی آئی ورکر لڑکی پر بدترین تشدد اور أس کی عصمت دری کرتے ہوئے خفیہ ویڈیو سامنے آگئی
یہ جن کی ویڈیو سامنے آئی ہے ان کو نشان عبرت بنا دینا چاہیے پاکستان کا اب اللّٰہ پاک ہی حافظ ہے pic.twitter.com/Ahe4TNi2Tm

— لاہوری بھوت (@asifrasheedKha4) May 12, 2023

Journalist Moeed Pirzada also shared the said video.

Where is this unfortunate scene unfolding? Is this a police station? Looks more clean & rich than most police stations in Pakistan are? Any idea? Please update if you know pic.twitter.com/8q4r5Xmk4T

— Moeed Pirzada (@MoeedNj) May 12, 2023

Social media users pointed out to the journalist that it was an old video and PTI MPA was accused of torturing the woman in the video.

معید پیزادہ نے ایک پرانی وڈیو جس میں تحریک انصاف کا ایم پی اے چودھری فضل الحق عورت پر تشدد کررہا ہے جو 2019 کی وڈیو ہے معید پیرزادہ نے وڈیو اداروں سے منسلک کرنے کی کوشش کی ہے اور کمنٹس سیکشن میں ایک صاحب نے اس وڈیو سے متعلق لکھا ہے کہ یہ وڈیو میرے کزن نے بنائی ہے جو آئی ایس آئی… https://t.co/odhHZB6nsq pic.twitter.com/lrvy9ANy24

— Expose Propaganda (@EPropoganda1) May 13, 2023

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