Footage and reports from the scene show leaders of Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ –widely understood as the rebranded form of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – delivering hard-line speeches in the afternoon just before the blast. The event included rhetoric targeting Shia beliefs and identity. While the rally itself did not turn violent, its timing and message have intensified scrutiny of the sectarian undercurrents that afflict Pakistan.

Who Are ASWJ/SSP?

ASWJ traces its roots directly to Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, a Sunni extremist organization founded in the 1980s with an explicitly anti-Shia agenda. SSP was outlawed in 2002, but has continually resurfaced under new names, including ASWJ, allowing its activists and leaders to operate in public political and religious spaces.

Human rights reports and country analyses also document widespread incitement of hatred and violence against Shia Muslims by extremist clerics and groups in Pakistan, with rhetoric tolerated across many regions even when overt violence declines.

A history of anti-Shia violence

Shia Muslims – a minority in predominantly Sunni Pakistan – have been recurrent targets of sectarian violence over decades. Studies and historical records show thousands of Shias killed in militant attacks by groups that include violent offshoots of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and Islamic State affiliates. These groups have on several occasions vowed to “rid Pakistan of Shias.”

Notable historical instances include the 1963 Therhi massacre in Sindh, where more than a hundred Shias were killed in a sectarian attack, and the 1988 Gilgit massacre, in which estimates place Shia fatalities in the hundreds amid targeted violence. Mass bombings in Quetta’s Shia-dominated neighborhoods and targeted killings also claimed hundreds of lives from 2010-2013.

More recently, a mass shooting ambush on a convoy of Shia travellers in Kurram District in late 2024 killed at least 54 people — one of the deadliest sectarian assaults in years.

These attacks are part of a long pattern of sectarian militancy in Pakistan, where extremist groups have periodically targeted Shias during worship, pilgrimage or travel.

Pakistan blames the “foreign hand”

In the aftermath of Friday’s Islamabad blast, Pakistani authorities have placed strong emphasis on foreign involvement in the attack.

Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi said investigators had identified suspects with links to militants in Afghanistan and alleged support from foreign actors, including India – claims that Indian officials have called “baseless and pointless.”

The Islamic State’s Pakistan affiliate has also claimed responsibility for the bombing, underscoring the role of transnational extremist networks in attacking Shia targets.

However, critics argue that focusing on external blame may obscure the deep-rooted history of sectarian hatred and organized anti-Shia activity inside Pakistan, including groups like ASWJ/SSP whose rhetoric and mobilisation have helped normalise social hostility toward religious minorities.

Civil society advocates warn that without confronting these internal dynamics – including public hate speech and the continued operation of sectarian networks – Pakistan’s recurring cycles of violence against Shias will persist alongside any foreign threats.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Overlooking Homegrown Hate, Pakistan Hesitates to Call Islamabad Blast Anti-Shia Violence appeared first on Dissent Today.

“Will anyone come? We have been waiting for so many days,” asked a Baloch mother, grasping my hand in hope of good news. Another mother, Zar Gul, whose son Saeed Ahmed was forcibly disappeared in 2013, joined in, holding my other hand and saying, “Maybe this time we’ll bring our sons home.”

These past fifty-plus days in Islamabad have been an emotional whirlwind for anyone visiting the Baloch families’ camp near the National Press Club in F‑6 sector. The women’s stories are so harrowing that they often collapse while recounting their ordeal — seeing their sons abducted by plainclothes men who broke into their homes; enduring ten years of agonizing waiting, searching for answers in courts and on the streets; holding fifteen years of hope that their brothers remain alive as they were when taken before their eyes.

The Baloch National Movement’s human rights department, Paank, reported that in the first half of 2025 alone, 785 cases of enforced disappearances and 121 extrajudicial killings were documented.

The Defence of Human Rights has documented 3,140 cases since 2006, with 1,362 victims still missing. In 2025, 32 new cases were reported.

Only the families enduring this cruel, collective, and relentless punishment truly understand what each second of the day feels like. Their cries seem to go unheard in the corridors of power just streets away — no government minister has visited the camp to date. This government’s apathy is so stark and the war on its citizens so brazen that even the fiction of engagement with these elderly women and young girls has been abandoned.

The callousness is further illustrated by the authorities’ refusal to allow the peaceful protesters to set up camp for shelter outside the Press Club. Much like they are caged in Balochistan, these women are now confined to a narrow road, surrounded by barriers and barbed wire — a chilling reminder of that treatment during the 2023 Baloch long march to Islamabad.

During the freezing winter of 2023, many of them were attacked with water cannons and sticks as they peacefully protested. Many, including young Mahzaib (niece of forcibly disappeared Rashid Hussain), were unlawfully arrested, detained, and loaded into buses to be forcibly sent back to Balochistan.

Although the Baloch Yekjehti Committee has made significant strides in advocating for human rights, its impact has been severely hampered by the detention of its leadership, most notably Dr. Mahrang Baloch, its founder and a globally recognized human rights activist.

Dr. Baloch has now been detained since March 22, following a peaceful sit-in protesting state violence.

Her imprisonment has deeply affected the community. Elderly mothers at the protest camp have shown me photographs of their sons and said, “Mahrang raised her voice for them. Now, we will raise our voice for Mahrang.”

Moreover, almost the entire leadership of the Committee is now behind bars. This includes Sebghetullah Shah Jee, Beebarg Baloch, Beebow Baloch, and Gulzadi Baloch.

The legal process surrounding these detentions reflects a persistent pattern of arbitrary and prolonged incarceration. The authorities have repeatedly invoked the colonial-era Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) law — originally enacted in 1960 — allowing detention without formal charges. Even when the judicial system convenes hearings, the prosecution repeatedly fails to present credible evidence, yet the detainees remain imprisoned.

These women and girls are not just here for their loved ones – they are here to demand the release of those brave leaders who carried the grief of the Baloch people on their shoulders. They remember the Long March with Dr. Mahrang to Islamabad in 2023.

Though the state succeeded in breaking the hope of many — as seen in the much smaller number who returned this year — even the stubborn hope held by these few women sends a powerful message to the people of Pakistan: no matter how heartless the state’s response, the path of peaceful resistance must not be abandoned.

Passersby often approach the camp and ask, “Why have they been sitting here so long? Has anyone from the government come to speak to them yet?” When told that no one has come despite more than a month of protest, through scorching heat and torrential downpour, they merely sigh and move on. But these women cannot move forward, as their lives remain forever suspended.

There is no doubt that enforced disappearances are Pakistan’s greatest crisis — the clearest indication of a total breakdown in rule of law in a society that tolerates this atrocity. Impunity is entrenched: not a single perpetrator has been identified or brought to justice.

Worse still, impunity has grown in recent months, especially since the 26th Constitutional Amendment. 

Baloch families have always faced significant challenges in registering cases for crimes committed against them. But following recent amendments, police have begun to outright refuse the registration of abduction First Information Reports (FIRs) — even when the Islamabad High Court is actively hearing a habeas corpus petition or has issued a court order.

Habeas corpus petitions, which were once heard promptly — often the same or next day — are now delayed due to frivolous administrative objections, even when hearings are scheduled. New judges at the Islamabad High Court have started to decline directing police to register abduction FIRs immediately, even in cases where previous court interventions had led to the recovery of missing persons, as in the Ahmad Farhad case.

The state has given its people nothing to hope for. Yet against all odds, these courageous mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives still find hope. They refuse to give up. Their loved ones may be missing, but they will not be forgotten. 

The state must remember: this pain cannot be erased, and the peaceful struggle against enforced disappearances cannot be ignored — doing so risks irreparable damage to the integrity of the federation.

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post In Islamabad, State’s Apathy on Full Display as Baloch Families Hold Protest Camp appeared first on Dissent Today.

They were callously made to sit on the floor of the police station’s courtyard all night, despite the city’s cold weather. The arrests were initially undisclosed, but the police later referenced an old FIR from last year related to the May 9 riots and included the vendors’ names in it.

At the anti-terrorism court, where they were later presented with their faces covered, police officers were seen aggressively encircling Pashtun vendors and separating them from their families after checking their ID cards. When Mazari tried to intervene and stop this racial profiling, an officer shoved her as well.

More than 2,000 Pashtun students, laborers, and street vendors—including legal Afghan refugees—have been arrested and are being held in various police stations in Islamabad and Rawalpindi, according to a list compiled by human rights lawyers, a copy of which is available with Dissent Today. The arrests were made in the wake of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)’s long march to the capital last month, seeking the release of incarcerated former prime minister Imran Khan, which ended following the use of force by law enforcement agencies.

Among the arrested street vendors is a 14-year-old boy who sold clothes to support his family.

Mazari told Dissent Today that police officials have been racially profiling and detaining Pashtun journalists as well, after checking their ID cards. “Several journalists and others have told me they were stopped at check posts, and their phones and ID cards were checked,” she said, adding that those whose permanent addresses were in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were arbitrarily arrested.

Following the racial profiling that Mazari and her fellow lawyers witnessed at the anti-terrorism court, they sat in protest with the Pashtun vendors outside the court. “We could see van after van filled with people arrested from different parts of the city arriving at the anti-terrorism court,” she said.

Two of the street vendors whom Mazari is representing were discharged in the May 9 case, but others are still facing charges. Mazari and some other lawyers were initially unable to reach most of the arrested individuals, which means they remained in custody for days without access to defense counsel.

Mazari says this racial profiling is still ongoing and lawyers are receiving reports of similar arrests almost daily.

For former senator and National Democratic Movement leader Afrasiab Khattak, this racial profiling of Pashtuns is reminiscent of the time when they were displaced from tribal areas during the military action against the Taliban in 2009-2010. “At that time, too, the displaced Pashtuns were labeled as troublemakers who would bring terrorism to Punjab and Sindh,” he told Dissent Today.

The ill-treatment of Pashtun residents in Islamabad comes against the backdrop of widespread anti-Pashtun racist sentiments expressed on mainstream and social media during the PTI protest.

A large number of long march participants marched to the capital from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa alongside the province’s Chief Minister, Ali Amin Gandapur. The PTI’s use of the provincial government’s resources to facilitate its long march has been criticized, but some federal ministers went too far in their criticism by blaming the Pashtun community for the party’s actions. Federal ministers Ata Tarrar and Mohsin Naqvi implied that most participants in the protest were Afghan and, by extension, terrorists.

Khattak says the government has been violently rounding up Afghan refugees and falsely accusing them of participating in the PTI protest. “I know a dozen Afghan refugees who were detained and tortured at the Counter Terrorism Department and forced to confess that they were part of the long march,” he said, adding that federal ministers demonized Afghans as if they were coming from Afghanistan to wage a war on Islamabad.

Meanwhile, PTI leaders had been invoking Pashtun “ghairat” (honor) in the lead-up to the march to urge the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to support the party’s call for protest and march to Islamabad.

Khattak says that the act of invoking Pashtun “honor” for political objectives is a colonial concept introduced by the British. “This stereotyping of Pashtuns as having a keen sense of honor and valor was part of the colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), which aimed to confine Pashtuns to outdated tribal values,” he said. “The Pakistani ruling elite adopted this stereotype to continue using Pashtuns as cannon fodder.”

In response to a question, Khattak stated that the PTI is not doing enough to assist those who were arbitrarily arrested following the party’s protest in Islamabad. “The PTI claims that more than 200 people are missing, and it has been weeks since this crackdown. What is stopping them from going to the prisons and ascertaining the identities of the arrestees,” he asked.

Mazari agrees that the PTI leadership did not take an effective position on the racial profiling of Pashtuns. “They represent the Pashtun people in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and they have a greater responsibility to speak out against the mistreatment of Pashtuns,” she said.

As ministers in the provincial government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, including its chief minister, geared up for their long march to Islamabad in late November, the restive district of Kurram saw hundreds killed in sectarian clashes. The death toll from the violence in the district, which continued for weeks, rose to 130 before a ceasefire was recently achieved. The provincial government has been accused of ignoring the crisis and directing its resources toward the PTI march.

“The chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has done nothing but squander resources of Pashtuns and their manpower for his party’s battle for the throne of Islamabad,” Khattak says. 

But despite this bleak situation, the former lawmaker sees a ray of hope in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Referring to the anti-Taliban protests being staged in the province, Khattak said Pashtun citizens have become politically conscious in recent years and are now refusing to be exploited by the Pakistani state and political elites.

“The Pashtun masses have understood that terrorism was brought to their land by the Pakistani state,” he added.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Governor and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leader Faisal Karim Kundi hosted an All Parties Conference (APC) last week to discuss the deteriorating security situation in the province, attended by every political party except the PTI, which boycotted the event. Khattak, who attended the conference, says everyone present condemned the racial profiling of Pashtuns and the demonization of Afghan refugees.

“Pashtun politicians had to take a clear stance [against terrorism in the province] at the APC because they were feeling the public’s pressure to do so,” he said. “The Pashtun masses have decided they would no longer be used as cannon fodder. It is time for politicians and the state to catch up with this public sentiment in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.”

Ailia Zehra

The writer is a journalist and the Founding Editor of Dissent Today. She covers politics, human rights, and religious extremism. She tweets at @AiliaZehra.

The post Inside the Ongoing Racial Profiling in Islamabad appeared first on Dissent Today.

On Thursday, Islamabad administration imposed Section 144 for an indefinite period, banning rallies in the federal capital. The PTM jalsa is scheduled to be held at 3pm today (Friday), and organisers have vowed to go ahead with it despite the crackdown and restrictions.

PTM’s Naimatullah Wazir and NDM’s Hassan Nasir are among those who have been taken into custody. Earlier, more than 80 members of the PTM were reportedly arrested from Shewa, Hangu after the police stopped their convoy heading to Islamabad.

Activist Talimand Khan announced on X (formerly Twitter) that his younger brother had been arrested “as part of midnight crackdown on PTM”.

Swat police has arrested my younger brother Aqalmand Khan as part of midnight crack down on PTM. The state itself is adding fuel to the fire. pic.twitter.com/7xWkxaYyBv

— Talimand Khan (@MirSwat) August 17, 2023

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On Tuesday, the cleric had announced that he would lead the Eid prayers at Lal Masjid, but the authorities took no action despite being aware of his plan.

Dawn quoted officers of the Islamabad Capital Administration (ICT) as saying that they were “helpless” over this issue. They further said that they could not act on their own without getting a go ahead from higher-ups. Another senior officer quoted by Dawn said that the authorities did not want to “make a scene” on Eid, and that taking action against him would have led to trouble for the residents of Islamabad.

Last month, students of Jamia Hafsa held a protest blocking roads in Islamabad to protest his attempted arrest. His guards had resisted when the police came to arrest him, and the cleric successfully evaded arrest.

Later, a video message by his wife called on the banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to launch attacks in Islamabad to avenge authorities’ attempts to arrest Abdul Aziz. She was later booked on terrorism and treason charges by Kohsar Police in Islamabad over the video.

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In February, the CDA, Islamabad administration, and police authorities razed several carts licensed under the Ehsaas Rehri Baan Program, that provides livelihood to hundreds of street vendors in the federal capital.

The CDA has announced recently that it is initiating an auction system for stalls in public places in the federal capital.

While talking to Dissent Today, Ehsaas Rehri Baan Program President Rana Shahbaz and human rights activist advocate Imaan Zainab Hazir Mazari expressed reservations over the CDA’s auction system.

Sharing the details of the Ehsaas Rehri Baan Program, advocate Iman Mazari said the program was initiated in 2021 and it enabled street vendors to do their business in the federal capital with licenses and allowed a number of economically-marginalised people to earn their livelihood with dignity.

Multiple stakeholders were involved in the program, including the CDA, Ministry of Poverty Alleviation, Metropolitan Corporation Islamabad,and ICT administration among others.

According to the signed MoU, a copy of which is available with Dissent Today, CDA and ICT administrations were meant to facilitate the Ehsaas Rehri Baan Program.

Under the program, the vendors were given licenses to operate in different localities of Islamabad. They were also provided credit facilities through UBank and Apna Bank.

However, on February 2, 2023, CDA, ICT administration, and police authorities launched a massive demolition operation against the hawkers in I-10, without any notice.

‘Our Licenses Weren’t Expired:’

Ehsaas Rehri Baan Program President Rana Shahbaz said that the CDA and police authorities launched an operation at 3am in February, demolishing over 28 carts, without any notice.

“Our licenses were not expired when the authorities demolished the carts,” he added.

During the operation, rehri baan Abdullah passed away due to cardiac arrest.

Following the incident, the National Assembly Standing Committee on Poverty Alleviation and Social Safety had directed CDA to compensate the family of the vendor who had passed away during the demolition drive.

However, the CDA is yet to give compensation money to his family, as well as other vendors whose carts were illegally demolished, Shahbaz claimed.

Iman Mazari said the damage is estimated to be 1 crore and 10 lac rupees.

‘Depriving People Of Their Livelihood’: 

Iman Mazair said the CDA is in clear violation of human rights as it’s depriving people of their basic right of livelihood, which is guaranteed under the right to profession and trade of the Constitution.

She said the vendors cannot live with dignity since they have been deprived of their other basic rights, including earning and providing for their families.

The lawyer also said this has put the vendors in physical and mental anguish.

She referred to the rehri baan who died of a cardiac arrest and another vendor who is currently in a mental health facility.

‘CDA Halting Program For Personal Interest’:

Rana Shahbaz said the Ministry of Poverty Alleviation and Social Safety, one of the stakeholders in the Ehsaas Rehri baan Program, ensured them the program would not shut down. However, the CDA was continuously threatening them even before the demolition drive in February.

Imaan Mazari said the CDA wants to shut down this program because it is regularised and transparent.

“The money directly goes into the national exchequer,” she said.

The CDA is initiating the open auction since it will be less transparent and there would be no checks and balances. The auction would also allow CDA officials to take bribes, she claimed.

She also lamented that the auction is not inclusive since poor vendors could not “even think of participating in the auction”.

Rana Shehbaz shared the same thoughts and said the CDA is depriving poor people of their livelihood because of “personal interests”.

Shehbaz also claimed that CDA has no justification to initiate the auction.

Earlier, Islamabad police had also detained and assaulted veteran leftist activist Ismat Raza Shahjahan along with scores of people for their protest against the CDA over demolition of katchi abadis (informal settlements) which rendered residents homeless. The police later charged Ismat Shahjahan and other protesters with “attempted murder”.

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Section 144 that prohibits the assembly of four or more people in an area has been imposed in Islamabad. According to the law, every member of such ‘unlawful assembly’ can be booked for engaging in rioting.

Islamabad police tweeted that Section 144 is in force in Islamabad, adding that no rallies, protests, or processions could be held in the city.

اسلام آباد میں دفعہ 144 نافذ العمل ہے۔

اسلام آباد کی حدود میں کسی بھی جلسے، جلوس اور اجتماع کی اجازت نہیں ہے۔

قانون کی خلاف ورزی کرنے والوں کے خلاف بلا امتیاز قانونی کارروائی عمل میں لائی جائے گی ۔

فیض آباد اور دیگر راستوں سے اسلام آباد میں داخل ہونے والے شہریوں کو چیکنگ کے…

— Islamabad Police (@ICT_Police) April 30, 2023

CONDEMNATION:

Members of the civil society in Islamabad have condemned the move, saying that there is no justification to ban peaceful protests on Labour Day.

A rights activist tweeted that banning public rallies on Labour Day without any justification is “unconstitutional”.

“You cannot impose this section unconstitutionally and stifle peaceful political expression on labor day,” she added.

you cannot impose this section unconstitutionally and stifle peaceful political expression on labor day. this is excessive and poorly reasoned. koi waja tau bataayein. @CMShehbaz https://t.co/OiVFOPQuB9

— Zoya Rehman (@pind_wave) May 1, 2023

Another social media user condemned the move, saying that no authority has the right to curb the rallies on Labour Day that demand equal rights for everyone.

“So workers are not allowed to even assemble peacefully,” she said.

So workers are not allowed to even assemble peacefully… No authority has the power to curb the peaceful protest for struggling a dignified life for all..

Shame on @ICT_Police #MayDay2023 #InternationalWorkersDay https://t.co/1R7E0p5acr

— Marvi Latifi #ClimateActionNow (@Marvi_S90) May 1, 2023

Another social media user said that the state is “anti-people” for imposing a ban on public gatherings on Labour Day.

anti-people insecure state that imposes section 144 on Labour Day during soaring inflation and a crashing rupee. Such tactics are useless when you start to lose legitimacy in the eyes of the people https://t.co/oyKKeqgYF6

— Sana (@sanamalalai) May 1, 2023

The Islamabad police have faced growing criticism from human rights activists for using excessive force to crack down on dissent.

Islamabad police detained and assaulted veteran leftist activist Ismat Raza Shahjahan along with scores of people for their protest against Capital Development Authority (CDA) over demolition of katchi abadis (informal settlements) which rendered residents homeless. While Ismat was released after a few hours, other arrestees remain in police custody without registration of a First Information Report (FIR). Later, the police registered FIR against the protesters, charging them with “attempted murder”.

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According to a police report filed by the pastor of the church Younis Masih, the incident had occurred at 5:30pm on April 16, 2023.

According to the pastor’s statement, the assailants, identified as Amir and Khurram, harassed his daughter who was accompanied by his son. When his son intervened to forbid them, they assaulted the brother and sister on the road.

Later on, the men barged into the church during a prayer session, harassing the attendees, and threatening them by firing.

Earlier, a member of the Christian community, Kashif Masih, was shot dead in Banaras Abad Academy Town. Armed men had opened fire on him while he was on his way home. According to Voicepk.net, IS-K claimed responsibility for both attacks.

The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) had issued the Human Rights Observer 2023, an annual fact sheet, detailing abuses against religious minorities in Pakistan. The report covered five key issues impacting religious minorities, including discrimination in the education system, the prevalence of forced faith conversions, abuse of blasphemy laws, the establishment of the National Commission for Minorities, and jail remissions for minority prisoners.

The report noted an increase in discrimination against minorities.

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The recent debate on “re-imagining Pakistan” has once again turned a spotlight, among others, on the long-running conflict in Balochistan. The Baloch ethno-nationalist movement remains the most intractable challenge to national integration. It has been marked by on-again-off-again resort to armed struggle alternated with phases of non-violent political struggle. The latest wave of conflict is the longest and most complex in form and nature.

Overview of the conflict landscape:

While the ongoing conflict has intermittently generated debate in mainstream media, it is focused on symptoms, rather than systemic drivers of the conflict. It is imperative to first map the conflict landscape, analyse and identify the systemic drivers of under-development and conflict and then explore potential solutions that can help the region break out of the poverty and conflict trap.

To begin with, it is worth emphasising that the conflict landscape in Balochistan has become increasingly complex over the years. On the one hand, there is a low-scale ethnic insurgency concentrated mainly in southern Balochistan. On the other hand, sectarian and religious militancy in northern and central Balochistan continue to pose a threat to peace and stability. Over the past decade, the Islamic State has also established a footprint in the province and built alliances with sectarian groups and splinter groups of TTP. The latter is responsible for some of the most deadly attacks carried out in the province in the last few years. The biggest systemic drivers of religious and sectarian militancy include a pro-Taliban Afghan policy, a double-faced national security policy, existence of a vast madrassah infrastructure, and presence of bigotry and hate content in educational curricula.

The Baloch ethnic conflict is significantly different in nature from the sectarian and religious militancy. While both involve ideational motives, the latter seeks to implement by coercive means a reactionary and retrogressive interpretation of religion against the will of the majority, whereas the former is striving for carving an autonomous political entity out of the existing political system, which they view as an incorrigibly authoritarian and majoritarian state dominated by the Punjabi elites. Unlike religious militancy, the Baloch ethnic conflict is fuelled by a popularly-held, genuine grievance about a history of brutal use of force and exploitation of natural resources by the State.

From an institutional perspective, the Baloch ethno-nationalist conflict is mainly a reaction to Pakistan’s authoritarian political system, centralized and majoritarian federal structure and an exclusivist approach to nation-building.

While the role of centralization of powers, authoritarianism and flawed approach to nation-building are widely acknowledged in academic debate on ethnic tensions in Pakistan, the role of majoritarian federal design is seldom understood.

Pakistan’s current majoritarian federal design makes Balochistan the least rewarding political constituency for political parties aspiring to come to power at the federal level. It offers little to no incentive to these parties to care about the province. This primarily explains why successive governments in Islamabad have tended to remain indifferent about Balochistan. Moreover, the Senate and Council of Common Interests (CCI), the supposedly majority-constraining institutions, have been ineffective in enabling smaller provinces like Balochistan to block policies or legislations that may impinge upon their rights.

Way forward:

The restoration of durable peace in the province requires a holistic but differentiated strategy.

Tackling religious and sectarian militancy requires a fundamental shift in our national security policy and Afghan policy. Externally, the decades-old pro-Taliban Afghan policy needs to be reviewed and revised in favour of a more balanced and progressive policy.

Taliban are unlikely to ensure sustained peace and stable political order in Afghanistan. Our security thinkers need to appreciate that the resurgence of TTP is, and shall remain, an inevitable outcome of ascendance to power of the Taliban in Kabul. With the Taliban in power in Kabul, durable peace is unlikely to be established in Pakistan, especially in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Similarly, at the domestic front, it is high time to adopt a policy of zero tolerance and indiscriminate action against sectarian and religious militant outfits.

The Baloch ethnic conflict merits a different strategy. The key takeaway from the nearly 19-year-long insurgency is that repressive measures and cosmetic development packages have both failed to bring the disaffected Baloch into the political mainstream. There is no denying that hard and kinetic measures have succeeded in temporarily curbing the intensity of the Baloch insurgency. However, the persistence and resurgence of violent conflict proves that a security-centric approach alone cannot deliver peace. Here is what the government needs to do to find a sustainable solution to the Baloch conflict:

First, the government should prepare a comprehensive strategy for reaching out to Baloch insurgents. This strategy should entail the engagement of credible political voices to lead negotiations, offer substantial concessions and implement confidence-building measures (CBMs) such as stopping military operations, withdrawing the FC from certain areas, releasing all Baloch missing persons and compensating the families of those killed extra-judicially. Mere offers of amnesty or exhortations to abandon violence won’t work.

Pakistan’s current majoritarian federal design makes Balochistan the least rewarding political constituency for political parties aspiring to come to power at the federal level. It offers little to no incentive to these parties to care about the province.

The military establishment’s support is a must for the proposed reconciliation efforts to make headway. The military needs to appreciate that a hard approach alone will ensure only temporary peace at best and that a low-level insurgency can continue almost indefinitely no matter what security measures are taken. The low-level violence is enough to put the state on the defensive, draw international attention and unsettle foreign investors. Previous efforts to reconcile Baloch insurgents failed because, 1) ) repression went hand in hand with reconciliation efforts, and 2) those leading the process had little credibility or freedom to make meaningful offers.

Moreover, the state should also be willing to abandon patronage of the cadre of artificial leaders it has propped up over the decades, notably tribal sardars. These people are the main beneficiaries of the conflict and, therefore, have an interest in its continuation. This State-Sardar alliance has also had a negative impact on development and service delivery outcomes.

Secondly, the following policy options need to be considered for diluting the majoritarian federal design. First, the option of introducing a minority veto can be explored. A minority veto would enable parliamentarians from Balochistan to block legislations in Parliament that they deem harmful for the people of the province. Minority veto can take multiple forms and is in place in a number of ethnically-diverse and conflict-affected countries including Northern Ireland, Kosovo, Belgium, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Alternatively, the option of assigning the Senate co-equal powers with the National Assembly in all matters should be considered and the current method of indirect election may be replaced with direct elections. A directly-elected and powerful Senate is likely to incentivise country-wide parties to take serious interest in Balochistan. This will in turn induce more political competition and bring technical expertise and experience to the province. Besides, enhanced powers of the Senate will give smaller provinces like Balochistan more say in decision-making at the federal level.

Furthermore, in order to ensure the effective operationalization of CCI, the position of Deputy Prime Minister can be created with the specific mandate to head the CCI and look after matters specified in Federal Legislative List II.

Thirdly, concrete steps need to be taken to ensure Baloch control over their natural and coastal resources. In this respect:

A statutory commission or authority, like IRSA, may be constituted with the mandate to ensure the effective implementation of Articles 172(3) and 158 of the Constitution. This body should replace the existing Federal Directorate of petroleum and gas. Only the federalization of institutional structures governing oil and gas will ensure provinces their due share in the ownership, management, and revenues of oil and gas resources. Balochistan’s concerns with regard to the pricing, taxation and distribution of its natural gas should be addressed on priority basis.

Ownership of the Saindak copper-gold project should be transferred to the Balochistan government as committed under the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package.

The Reko Diq agreement should be made public. The establishment of a refinery in the province should be ensured. A Chagai foundation with a corporate management and board must be established. At its disposal must be CSR funds, two per cent of the company’s profits, two percent of federal profits and half of the royalty payments to ensure the socioeconomic uplift of the local community. Lastly, a Sovereign Wealth Fund out of the expected revenue inflows from Reko Diq should be created.

As far as China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is concerned, Islamabad must adopt a more inclusive development approach prioritizing the basic rights, dignity and development needs of the local people, respecting the marine ecosystem and promoting local livelihoods. Unnecessary check posts must be abolished and drinking water projects should be expedited. A public sector company should be created to harness the potential of desalination and reverse osmosis technology along the coastal belt. Balochistan should be given a share in revenues from the Gwadar port.

Fourthly, well-designed and targeted interventions are needed to alleviate poverty and mitigate the adverse impact of fencing the border on livelihoods.

One of the most important takeaways from the past decades is that the traditional model of growth (i.e. trickle-down economics) and development (i.e. promote human development and livelihoods through public investments in physical and social infrastructure) have failed to achieve the desired results in Balochistan. Although the political and fiscal decentralization introduced by the 18th Amendment has improved local participation in the economic and political sphere, these gains have been undermined by the highly exclusive, and thus fragile, nature of political settlement at the provincial level. High degree of State-led political engineering over the years has facilitated the dominance of the political stage by a group of artificial and more pliant leaders, who are unaccountable to the public at large and use development funds to accumulate wealth, reward their patrons and strengthen clientelistic networks. The cumulative result is that socio-economic outcomes have remained stagnant largely despite massive public spending.

As far as CPEC is concerned, Islamabad must adopt a more inclusive development approach prioritizing the basic rights, dignity and development needs of the local people, respecting the marine ecosystem and promoting local livelihoods.

It is high time to revisit the traditional approach to development in favour of a more targeted and direct approach, consisting predominantly of cash or in-kind transfers to citizens. In this regard, the small population size of the province is good news from the perspective of poverty alleviation and social protection. Nearly 71% of Balochistan’s 1.75 million households live in multi-dimensional poverty. The government should consider providing guaranteed minimum basic income to the entire poor population of the province (1.2 million households approximately). The financial burden would be far less than is usually imagined.

For instance: the estimated cost of extending BISP to the entire poor households of Balochistan is nearly PKR 30 Billion, which is peanuts when compared with the large amount of funds spent by the federal and provincial governments on physical infrastructure and law and order. The law and order expenditures of the provincial government are progressively increasing and currently amount to PkR 60 Billion. Similarly, the development funds allocated informally to MPAs and MNAs by the provincial and federal government exceed PkR 80 Billion. We not only need to streamline and rationalize the chaotic plethora of MPA and MNA schemes but also redirect a portion of these as direct transfers to the people.

A formal border trade gateway with all allied facilities and necessary trade logistics needs to be opened up in each district along Balochistan’s borders with Iran and Afghanistan. This will promote local livelihoods and boost regional trade.

Rafiullah Kakar

The writer is a public policy and development professional from Balochistan. He is currently serving as Member (Social Sector & Devolution) at the Planning Commission of Pakistan. He has served in public and international organisations in the UK and Pakistan. He holds two Masters Degrees from the University of Oxford and is a Rhodes Scholar.

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The head of the Physics Department at FUUAST had threatened a female student that he would fail her if she did not fulfil his “demand”. The professor failed her after she refused to comply with his demands.

According to a report by Express Tribune, an inquiry against Professor Zahid Sarfraz was initiated over a month ago and the committee found him guilty of sending inappropriate messages to the student.

The student initially sought help from three other senior professors who advised her to keep mum over the matter. The three professors also threatened that a complaint might have an impact on the student’s academic affairs, while asking the student for a written statement that she would not pursue the case.

The harassment committee investigated the case and recommended the removal of the head of the Physics department and the three other professors involved in threatening the student.

The university sacked the professor found guilty by the committee of harassing the student.

Pakistan often ranks among the worst countries for women’s security and demands for gender equality are often criticised by the conservative elements in the country.

News Desk

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