The assailants were reportedly armed with both light and heavy weaponry. The attack took place late Wednesday night.

According to police reports, they took the four officers hostage and moved them to an undisclosed location.

Authorities have confirmed that four officers are currently unaccounted for and stated that an investigation has been initiated regarding the incident.

The missing officers have been identified as Akbar, Jan Mohammad, Sultan, and Naseeb.

Security forces have launched a search operation in the area to find the missing officers and apprehend those responsible for the attack.

Local residents have been increasingly troubled by the deteriorating security conditions in Waziristan over the past year. This incident has led to a new wave of fear in the restive South Waziristan districts.

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Sajid Turi, an erstwhile member of the National Assembly from Parachinar, told Dissent Today that many individuals involved in the violence did not sign the agreement. “I have no confidence in this agreement,” he said, adding that the provincial government showed little interest in developing a durable solution to the conflict.

Violent clashes between tribes stemming from longstanding land disputes have claimed at least 130 lives since November. According to sources, the actual death toll may be higher than reported, as several targeted attacks have claimed lives since the start of the conflict. 

The area has also witnessed a humanitarian crisis, with more than 100 children dying due to a shortage of food and medical supplies amid a blockade of the road that connects Parachinar to the rest of the country.

Following the agreement, the highway is expected to open soon, and the first convoy of food and medical supplies since the peace deal would be sent to the area by the Parachinar Trade Union. The provincial governments of Sindh and Balochistan, along with the Red Crescent Society of Pakistan, also contributed humanitarian aid for the first convoy.

Turi, who is the Vice President of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, states that similar agreements between tribes have been made in the past, but they only provided temporary respite from clashes and failed to ensure lasting peace.

‘Taliban involved in Parachinar violence’

While the crisis in Parachinar was largely perceived as a sectarian issue between the Shia and Sunni communities in the area, Turi argues that there is more than meets the eye. “The Taliban and the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-KP) are active in the area,” he said, adding that militants from these groups have been exploiting sectarian differences by pressuring Sunni community leaders to side with them.

“Taliban militants have prevented Sunni representatives from signing peace agreements on numerous occasions because they want the clashes to continue,” Turi says. He further claimed that militants from the Islamic State and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have an active presence in Lower Kurram, extending up to the Alizai town.

According to a recent report by an Islamabad-based think tank, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa recorded the highest number of terrorist attacks in the country in 2024, with 295 attacks. Attacks carried out by the TTP killed about 300 people during the year.

Attacks by ISIS-K that employ roadside bomb tactics have also increased in the province in recent months. In August, the group claimed responsibility for at least two attacks on Pakistan military personnel in the Khyber and Bajaur districts.

Turi says the authorities are trying to cover up the involvement of the Taliban and Islamic State in the violence in Kurram by presenting it solely as a sectarian issue. “Because Parachinar is a Shia-majority area, it is easy for them to portray the issue as a sectarian one and conceal the involvement of the Taliban,” he says.

On Tuesday, a Christian man who was mistaken for a Shia was beheaded by anti-Shia extremists in Kurram, with graphic images of his severed head circulating on social media. Turi says that the manner in which he was killed makes it clear that either the Taliban or the Islamic State was behind the incident.

In response to a question, Turi said that Parachinar and Kurram need a permanent solution to the issue, which requires the state to establish its authority in the region. “We urge the Pakistan Army to take action against the militants who have taken over our area,” he said.

A spokesperson for the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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The pattern for intolerance of dissent was set even before the new year began. In December 2023, hundreds of protesters from Balochistan, led by activist Mahrang Baloch, marched to Islamabad to demand the recovery of their forcibly disappeared family members. Ranging from elderly women in their eighties to toddlers, the protesters started their sit-in outside the Press Club in Islamabad on December 22, and continued till the end of January 2024. In the freezing cold of Islamabad, the protesters faced not only arbitrary arrests and detention but the denial of humanitarian assistance such as blankets and access to toilets.  In the face of twin hostilities — from the administration and the weather — the protesters were left with no option but to return to Balochistan.

In July, violence was once again inflicted upon the Baloch in Gwadar during the Baloch Raji Machi, where hundreds of people had gathered to demand their civil, political, and economic rights, as well as an end to enforced disappearances. On July 28, at least three protesters were killed by security personnel, and many others were injured. Earlier, roads and the internet were blocked to prevent participation in the protest, and convoys were fired upon.

In the same month, a “peace march” in Bannu, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, held to protest the rise in Taliban attacks in the province, faced violence from law enforcement personnel. Authorities allegedly opened fire on the protesters, resulting in two deaths.

In May, three young men were allegedly killed by the paramilitary Rangers in Pakistan-administered Kashmir during a protest march demanding subsidized flour and electricity. The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee, the group behind the protest, stated that the protesters were peaceful, but the government chose to deploy the Rangers, who ultimately used force against them.

Gilgit-Baltistan also saw massive protests in January against the dramatic increase in wheat prices, inflation, poor internet, and human rights violations in the region.

Meanwhile, Pakistan conducted a controversial general election in February 2024, which was marred by allegations of rigging and violence. Terrorist attacks during election campaigns have become a norm in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa over the past few years, and the 2024 election was no exception. Anti-Taliban politicians and parties had to run their campaigns amidst a wave of fear and intimidation, as terrorist attacks in the province increased in 2024.

On February 1, Rehan Zeb Khan, an independent candidate affiliated with the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was shot dead in a targeted attack; when gunmen opened fire on his car in a market in the Bajaur district. Three other people were injured, and the Islamic State (IS) claimed responsibility for the attack. In January, Malik Kaleem Ullah, an independent candidate for the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, was shot dead in Waziristan, along with three others, while going door-to-door.

Two days after the election, former MNA and National Democratic Movement (NDM) chief Mohsin Dawar was shot and injured by security forces during a protest against alleged rigging in his constituency in Waziristan. Four of his supporters were killed. The incident served as a reminder of the impunity enjoyed by security forces in the province. The fact that a former lawmaker could be shot simply for protesting against rigging indicates that no citizen is safe from the disproportionate use of force by law enforcement agencies in tribal areas.

Increasingly, as more and more sections of the citizenry become frustrated by the state’s indifference or outright hostility to their demands for rights, the backlash they face is becoming harsher. The rulers’ perception of all protests as subversion has effectively transformed Pakistan into a security state.

Apart from other ethnic groups raising voices for their rights, the state also views the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) with suspicion. One of its founders, former MNA Ali Wazir, continues to be shunted from prison to prison, on dubious charges.

In October, when the PTM planned its Grand National Jirga (dialogue) in Khyber, the state responded by vandalizing the venue, killing four supporters and imposing a ban on the PTM. The purpose of the jirga was to discuss issues related to the Pashtuns and solutions for peace in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Instead of responding positively to peace initiatives, in a deeply troubled region, the state tried its best to prevent this event. While the government later agreed to rescind the ban, the crackdown on the group continues, with one of its senior members, Haji Abdul Samar, having been arbitrarily arrested and handed over to the Counter Terrorism Department earlier this week.

There wasn’t a single month in 2024 when Pakistan did not witness protests by political parties or members of civil society. And there was probably not a single protest (except perhaps those organized by the extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan) that did not experience a crackdown.

In October, when civil society organizations planned the Sindh Rawadari (tolerance) March in Karachi to promote interfaith harmony and protest the extrajudicial killing of blasphemy accused Dr. Shahnawaz Khunbar, their right to assemble was restricted by the imposition of Section 144. When the organizations decided to proceed despite the restriction, many rights activists were beaten and dragged into police vehicles.

There wasn’t a single month in 2024 when Pakistan did not witness protests by political parties or civil society. And there was probably not a single protest that did not experience a crackdown.

 

Protests in Islamabad face perhaps the biggest hurdles. The government’s SOPs include shutting down businesses and schools, as well as cutting off mobile networks and the internet. Containers are placed at all entry and exit points to deter participation. Historically, these measures have led to greater violence and clashes between demonstrators and law enforcement. However, no lessons are learned. This was evident during the PTI demonstration in the capital in November, when violent clashes resulted in the deaths of 12 protesters and several law enforcement officers.

As the year ends, the country sees sustained protests in the restive town of Parachinar, Kurram, with no prospects of peace. What possibly started as a land dispute quickly turned into a bloody sectarian conflict, claiming more than 130 lives. The government’s response of blocking roads in the severe winter months has resulted in a grave humanitarian crisis, with food and medical shortages resulting in the death of over a hundred children.

While the military spokesperson recently held the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government responsible for ensuring law and order, he overlooked the military’s role in promoting sectarianism in the region. Meanwhile, roads in Karachi have been blocked for a week by protesters in sympathy with those suffering in Parachinar. Similar protests against the violence in Parachinar have been staged in Lahore and Islamabad as well.

So how does 2025 look in the context of the right to peaceful assembly? Not very bright, judging by the controversial Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act passed by the National Assembly in September. This proposed law places severe restrictions on demonstrations and public gatherings in Islamabad Capital Territory.

One can only hope that the provinces don’t follow the federal government’s footsteps and violate people’s fundamental right to peaceful assembly.

The protests and crackdowns mentioned above were largely absent from the mainstream media’s coverage, which has a history of overlooking unrest in peripheral regions. Self-censorship and state-enforced restrictions compel the media to turn a blind eye while human rights and civil liberties are increasingly violated in smaller provinces. Instead of giving coverage to the grievances of protesting activists, many voices in the mainstream media amplified state propaganda against them and attributed the protests to a “foreign hand.” Pakistan’s media must stop becoming complicit in the crackdown aimed at silencing dissenting voices in the country.

In 2025, Pakistan’s civil society must not allow these injustices in the peripheries to go unnoticed and should actively demand accountability and an end to the culture of impunity.

Zohra Yusuf and Ailia Zehra

Zohra Yusuf is a council member of HRCP and the Consulting Editor of Dissent Today.

Ailia Zehra is a journalist and the Founding Editor of Dissent Today.

The post How Pakistan’s Peripheries Dissented in 2024 appeared first on Dissent Today.

Children and the elderly who suffered from seasonal viral infections died in recent weeks due to the severe shortage of life-saving drugs. There is a lack of gas and oxygen in the children’s ward at the District Headquarters Hospital (DHQ), which is the city’s only government hospital. Nearly all local pharmacies in the Kurram district have run out of medicines.

At least 29 children have died since the blockade began in October, according to doctors. But the actual number of child fatalities due to the siege may be higher. Pediatrician Dr. Zulfiqar Ali told Dissent Today that the lack of access to petroleum in the area has prevented many patients from reaching hospitals in the outskirts of Parachinar. As a result, they are unable to register the number of child fatalities caused by various seasonal viral diseases.

The Thal-Parachinar Highway is the only road connecting Parachinar to the rest of the country, and it has been closed due to the ongoing sectarian clashes in the Kurram district, which began in October. The violence that resulted from the clashes claimed more than 120 lives.

Many children are admitted in the nursery ward at the District Headquarters Hospital in Parachinar, which is experiencing a shortage of gas and oxygen. With temperatures dropping to -4°C, the lives of many children under treatment at the hospital are at risk. Moreover, the shortage of milk is causing severe nutritional problems for children.

Child physicians at the DHQ hospital have requested the immediate provision of LPG gas for heating, as well as oxygen cylinders for emergencies and necessary medicines for children.

The hospital’s wards are currently at full capacity, and the administration is refusing admission to new patients.

Another pediatric specialist at DHQ Parachinar, Dr. Iqrar Hussain, said that the absence of gas for heating the hospital wards is forcing parents to take their sick children home. “This is causing the spread of viral infections among families,” he told Dissent Today.

Wajid Khan, the father of two-month-old twin babies from Lower Kurram, has been unable to find powdered milk for his children, as all the pharmacies and stores are out of stock. With tears in his eyes, he expressed his anguish over the lack of available nutrition. He noted that hundreds of other fathers are also searching the markets for nutrition for their children but have been unsuccessful.

A Parachinar-based social activist, Shahid Kazmi, told Dissent Today that the medicines provided by the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister via helicopter are merely a media stunt. “In reality, the supplies delivered to the DHQ Hospital are insufficient to meet the needs of the approximately 380,000 people under siege in Upper Kurram.”

Javid Hussain

The writer is a journalist from Parachinar.

The post Parachinar Siege: 29 Children Dead As City’s Only Govt Hospital Faces Shortage Of Medical Supplies appeared first on Dissent Today.

Beginning at the Parachinar Press Club, the march covered a distance of about 15 miles and ended at the Samir Abbas area. Most participants were from the Shia minority community, which has long been a target of sectarian violence in the region.

The protesters called on the authorities to reopen the Thal-Parachinar road, which connects Parachinar to the rest of the country. This road has been closed for about a month, and the blockade has brought daily life and trade in the town to a halt.

Another demand is action against militants targeting the Shia community. On November 5, civilian vehicles were reportedly attacked by these militants, killing two and injuring several others, including women. Further, the protesters have alleged that the Pakistan military has been distributing aid packages only to Sunni-dominated areas in the town, deliberately overlooking Shia areas. The marchers demanded the authorities end this policy of discrimination.

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The government of Pakistan’s decision to ban the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), a social movement that originated from the country’s peripheries, sends a troubling message to citizens—that their constitutional rights do not matter and that maintaining a non-violent stance will lead to harsh treatment. Since its inception, PTM has remained committed to peaceful protests. The non-violent nature of the struggle has been the movement’s greatest strength, and this peaceful approach is what appears to have provoked the state. The PTM has always been peaceful in its struggle, contrasting sharply with the actions of some mainstream political parties, such as the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), which have resorted to violence in recent protests in several cities. Despite the unrest caused by these groups, they have been allowed to operate.

The way the state recently attempted to violently prevent the Grand National Jirga (dialogue) of Pashtuns organized by the PTM further reveals its intolerance for peaceful protests. The PTM called for a grand dialogue to discuss the situation of Pashtuns in Pakistan, the ongoing proxy wars in the region and their impact on Pashtuns, the militarization of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the way forward. Pashtun political parties, academics, activists, and Pashtuns from various backgrounds were invited to the jirga. District Khyber was selected as the venue for the gathering. However, the state began disrupting preparations by initiating a crackdown against the PTM. In response to this call for the jirga, the federal government announced a ban on the PTM and declared it a proscribed organization. On October 9, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police and Frontier Corps launched an attack on the campsite of the jirga, opening fire on PTM activists present at the venue. Four PTM activists were killed, and many others were injured. Mobile networks in the area were shut down. This is how the state, including both the federal and provincial governments, chose to respond to the PTM’s call for a gathering of Pashtuns for peace.

About a month ago, the Supreme Court of Pakistan was compelled to reverse a ruling in favor of the rights of a religious minority group due to violent protests and threats from TLP aimed at the Chief Justice. This difference in the state’s response to protests by social movements and extremist groups highlights a concerning reality: violent groups are taken seriously, while peaceful advocacy is met with repression.

The origin of PTM

The PTM was founded primarily as a response to the state’s oppression in the Pashtun regions of Pakistan. Over the decades, the state used the region of ex-FATA (tribal districts that were merged with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2018) as a launching pad for Project Taliban, a state agenda aimed at protecting Western interests. Under this project, the people of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province endured significant injustices and had no channels through which to voice their grievances, leading to a constant rise in oppression.

It was the state that initially settled militants in that region, which resulted in widespread violence, including suicide bombings. After several years of TTP’s terror, a military operation against the Taliban was launched that displaced locals. They were reassured that normalcy would return when they are back home after the military operations. However, upon returning, they found their homes demolished. Instead of leading honorable lives after the military action, they faced further humiliation. Security forces regularly raided their homes without explanation, and they endured mistreatment at check posts—all justified under the guise of anti-militancy operations.

After the military operation, it became evident that terrorists had not been the primary targets; rather, it was the homes of ordinary citizens that were destroyed. The state displaced Pashtuns in the name of peace and subjected them to further humiliation. In this context, Pashtun youth rallied against the state. The PTM was founded in 2018 following the brutal killing of a Pashtun youth, Naqeebullah Mehsud, in a fake police encounter. The movement gained momentum very rapidly in a very short period of time.

PTM emerged as a response to decades of oppression faced by the Pashtun people. It laid the foundation for a new political narrative that challenged the establishment’s policies, advocating for justice and rights for the Pashtun community. And the movement began facing intimidation right after its formation. 

The government of Pakistan’s decision to ban the PTM, a social movement that originated from the country’s peripheries, sends a troubling message to citizens—that their constitutional rights do not matter.

The state’s double standards 

The state of Pakistan engaged in negotiations with the Taliban during a period marked by brutal acts, including beheadings and suicide bombings across the country. As a result of the violence, the government felt compelled to negotiate with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and their initial plan was to concede certain areas to the militant group. However, these intentions were disrupted by our protests. The state’s current accommodation of the Taliban in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa suggests that this policy of giving space to the militants is being repeated.

This pattern of double standards was also apparent during the protests against election rigging earlier this year. While the PTI was allowed to protest and control the narrative surrounding alleged electoral mismanagement, our party, the National Democratic Movement, faced violence when we protested against rigging in Waziristan. I was shot and injured, and four of my colleagues lost their lives two days after the election—all because we sought accountability regarding the announcement of results in our constituency. The recent killing of four PTM activists during the state’s attempts to prevent the grand jirga serves as a reminder that this policy of using force against peaceful Pashtun protestors continues. 

This disparity in the treatment of dissenting voices in Punjab compared to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is alarming. The state has always overlooked the unrest perpetuated by religious extremist groups, such as the TLP and TTP. In contrast, peaceful social movements emerging from peripheral regions face disproportionate targeting and repression. This unjust treatment of individuals from smaller provinces has been a key feature in Pakistan’s relationship with these regions.

PML-N and PPP’s refusal to learn from the past

I urge the parties leading the federal government to learn from their past mistakes. During my time in the last National Assembly, I consistently warned PTI lawmakers not to facilitate legislation that granted unchecked power to the military establishment, as it could ultimately be used against them. I warned them that surrendering civilian authority to the establishment might make their own party vulnerable in the future, and that’s exactly what happened. 

Given PTI’s current situation, both the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) should have learned a lesson. They have encountered similar challenges in the past, yet they seem unwilling to acknowledge this lesson. Their refusal to learn from history will cost them dearly.

Mohsin Dawar

The writer is a former Pakistani parliamentarian and chair of the National Democratic Movement.

The post Banning PTM Sends a Dangerous Message to the Youth appeared first on Dissent Today.

The provincial government confirmed the safe recovery of the judge.

Marwat had said in the video that the Taliban had abducted him, adding, “There is a war going on. It is a jungle.” He had also stated that his release hinged on the acceptance of the militants’ demands.

The First Information Report (FIR) into the incident cited Section 7 of the Anti-Terrorism Act and other relevant laws and was registered by the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD). The driver of the judge, Sher Ali Khan Mehsud, reported in the FIR that they were traveling to D.I. Khan from Tank when a group of 25 to 30 armed individuals intercepted their car at Garah Mohabbat Morr and opened fire on the vehicle, forcing it to stop.

The report added that the judge was in pants and a shirt, but the abductors took out a traditional shalwar kameez suit from the car for him to wear. They then set the car on fire.

The abductors instructed the driver to inform the authorities that they would release the judge if their demands regarding their jailed relatives were met, with a warning of severe consequences otherwise. The kidnappers ultimately took the judge away on a motorcycle.

The security situation in the KP province has been deteriorating for the past few months. In January, former lawmaker Mohsin Dawar survived an assassination attempt while campaigning for the February 8 elections. Later, he was injured in a gun attack in Waziristan two days after the election, while protesting alleged rigging and delayed election results.

On April 22, security forces claimed to have killed 11 militants in raids on their hideouts in the volatile in D.I. Khan and North Waziristan.

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The participants also demanded the release of 200 people, who were convicted under military courts, however, their convictions were set aside by the Peshawar High Court in 2020.

The protest rally was staged at Kabal Chowk and a large number of people, including the families of missing persons, participated in it.

People across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have been protesting against the resurgence of terrorism in the province following the killings of Shia teachers in Parachinar, and explosions at a counter-terrorism office in Swat that claimed 17 lives.

According to a report released by the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (COIOED) in July 2022, a total of 8,696 cases of missing persons have been reported. While 6,513 of these cases have been solved, 2,219 are still pending. Among the missing persons, the majority of people are from Baloch and Pashtun ethnicities.

However, human rights activists claim the number is much higher than this.

Earlier, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) had expressed concerns over the “state’s widespread use of enforced disappearances” in Balochistan to muzzle dissent.

In its fact-finding report, titled: “Balochistan’s struggle for Hope”, the human rights watchdog had noted that there have been continued reports of enforced disappearances in Balochistan and there was no improvement in the situation since 2019 when the HRCP’s team visited the last.

“The HRCP notes with considerable alarm that Balochistan faces mounting public frustration pertaining to enforced disappearances, economic exclusion, curbs on press freedom, misgovernance and allegations of political manipulation by the establishment”, the report had said.

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The rally was organised by the Swat Olasi Pasoon (Swat Public Uprising) and was attended by people from across the province.

Member National Assembly Ali Wazir, Senator Mushtaq Ahmad Khan, and Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement chief Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen were among the speakers.

The leaders condemned the recent terror attacks across the province, including a blast in an office of the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) in the Kabal area that claimed 17 lives and killing of Shia teachers in an attack at a school in the Kurram district of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, reported Dawn. 

During the rally, MNA Ali Wazir criticised the state’s policies that have led to a resurgence of terrorism in the country, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

PTM chief Manzoor Pashteen wondered how the military was unable to eliminate terrorists despite several operations.

The speakers said they would not allow Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to be impacted by terrorism again.

While rejecting the claim of the KP police that a short circuit caused CTD blasts, the speakers demanded a judiciary inquiry into the incident.

People in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have been holding protests in various parts of the province against the resurgence of terrorism since the last few months.

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Spokesperson for Lady Reading Hospital Mohammad Asim has said that their approved budget is yet to be released while adding that the staff has also not been paid their salaries. He also said that they do not have funds to procure medicines, Dawn reported.

Sad to see the biggest hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has defaulted. The spokesperson for the Lady Reading Hospital says the hospital cannot pay salaries, the procurement of medicine has stopped and they’re pondering now to shutdown specific operation theatres.

— Iftikhar Firdous (@IftikharFirdous) May 2, 2023

Meanwhile, former Provincial Minister for Finance and Health Taimur Khan Jhagra has denied that the hospital has defaulted and said the caretaker government is yet to release funds for medical teaching institutions (MTIs).

Hospitals don’t default.
The caretaker govt has again fallen in the habit of not releasing MTI budgets. Will release a detailed statement in a while. https://t.co/4avK2qkprw

— Taimur Khan Jhagra (@Jhagra) May 2, 2023

Pakistan is facing one of its worst economic crises. The price of basic food items has skyrocketed with inflation at a nearly 50-year-high as the government is struggling to keep the economy afloat. The government is yet to reach an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to resume a $6.5bn loan programme.

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