Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by land, bordering Afghanistan and Iran. It is rich in minerals and resources, but it has long suffered from poverty, underdevelopment, and weak political representation. 

Despite its strategic importance and its contributions, the voices of ordinary Baloch citizens are rarely heard in national debates.

Over the last year, Balochistan has been racked by escalating violence and systematic suppression of dissent. The arrests of leaders human rights activists like Dr. Mahrang Baloch and others connected with their group, Baloch Yakjehti Committee, reflect a government approach that favors coercion over conversation.

Several recent assassination attempts make this clear. In March of this year, my father, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, narrowly escaped a suicide bombing near a rally he was leading from Wadh to the capital, Quetta, in a mountainous district called Mastung. 

On September 2, in Quetta, a bomb exploded in the parking area after a memorial gathering for my grandfather, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, killing at least eleven people and injuring many more just as the event was ending. It was obvious the gathering itself was the target.

These attacks are meant to send a warning that political expression is allowed only on the state’s terms. Weeks have passed without serious inquiry or accountability. When Balochistan has no electoral impact, its concerns vanish from the spotlight. Its political space has shrunk through arrests, harassment, and threats. Once this void forms, restoring trust becomes extremely difficult.

Despite large budgets allocated for “security,” protection of lives does not follow. I remember watching news of disasters like the Jaffarabad Express tragedy and the casualties at my grandfather’s death anniversary. The urgency, which should come with such loss of life, was missing.

National politics treats Balochistan only as a bargaining chip — when votes are needed to pass controversial legislation or to form coalitions. But increasingly, even that limited influence is slipping, as handpicked representatives dominate assemblies and legislation passes without meaningful negotiation.

On the international stage, Balochistan is often framed as a place of resource opportunity — where mining, oil, gas, and ports matter for foreign investors. But the disparity between those economic narratives and the lived reality is stark. Communities remain underdeveloped, suffer human rights abuses, and see little benefit from the projects supposed to lift them.

There is also a trend of simplifying Baloch grievances into accusations of “foreign interference,” allowing governments to avoid real accountability. Meanwhile, people inside Pakistan who oppose or criticize repressive policies are punished or ignored. Opposition parties speak loudly about Baloch issues only when they are out of power. Once in power, they often fall silent, offering phrases like “we were constrained, what can we do?” — which only deepen the sense that suffering is rhetorical, not real.

To break this cycle, meaningful change is essential.

• End arbitrary arrests. Let political activists and human rights defenders work without fear.
• Create a credible, independent truth and reconciliation commission to address enforced disappearances and abuse.
• Ensure that local communities have a genuine say in decisions about resource extraction and development, so that they see benefits themselves.
• Shift from militarized security toward civilian governance, especially in cities where political expression must be protected.
• Invest in education, entrepreneurship, and civic engagement so young people see that politics can be a path to change — not a dead end.

This moment is dangerous but not irreversible. If the state does not act, the gulf of disillusionment will grow. If voices are silenced, unrest will grow. Dialogue, inclusion, and justice remain our only way forward.

Amid violence and unrest, Balochistan’s youth are waiting for reasons to believe in politics again. The responsibility now rests with those in power to offer those reasons before trust is lost permanently. It may feel like time has run out, but it is not yet over.

Banari Mengal

The writer is the co-founder of the NGO BYAC, which focuses on advocacy and community initiatives in Balochistan, Pakistan.

The post Why Balochistan’s Youth No Longer Trust Politics appeared first on Dissent Today.

A fact-finding mission by the HRCP released its findings in a report Wednesday, saying that the province is facing a “shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity.”

According to the HRCP, enforced disappearances have continued in the province. It added that civic space is rapidly diminishing, provincial autonomy is being eroded, and public trust is plummeting under unchecked repression.

“The mission’s findings reveal a disturbing pattern of continued enforced disappearances, shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity—conditions that continue to fuel public alienation and political instability,” noted the report.

The HRCP warned that unless Pakistan abandons coercive methods and embraces a political, rights-based resolution, Balochistan could spiral further into instability — with implications extending far beyond the province’s borders.

Civil society activists, particularly groups like the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), are being targeted under terrorism allegations in the province.

HRCP warned this crackdown has “only deepened alienation, especially among the youth,” and demanded legal recognition and protection for activists.

Activism in the province remains dangerously suppressed. Mahrang Baloch, a prominent rights advocate, has been jailed since March. Writing from prison, she denounced the misuse of counter-terror laws to stifle peaceful dissent and highlighted how Baloch communities have long been denied fairness in resource distribution.

Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy in Balochistan who was accused of sharing an activist’s speech online was booked on terrorism charges — drawing widespread condemnation of criminalizing minors.

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In the letter shared by the BYC, she stated that she and other arrested activists are being deliberately kept in the dark about the situation in Balochistan, as they are given newspapers that are two days old.

“The state and its so-called democratic institutions are propagating against us with the state’s false narrative,” she wrote.

Baloch recently gained international recognition after leading a series of protests against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings in Pakistan’s volatile Balochistan province.

She mentioned in the letter that the jail in which she is being held is the same prison where her father, who was extrajudicially killed in 2011, spent three years in imprisonment. “I am grateful to the state for choosing Hudda Jail for my detention. This place was the center of my suffering.”

“I wished I could live in the solitary confinement where my father spent three years of his imprisonment,” Baloch wrote.

“It has been my life’s desire to go to the place where my father was kept and where he was tortured. I wanted to experience that last moment, which was his last moment,” she added.

The activist stated that the movement she is leading is aimed at “rebuilding” homes that were destroyed by the state.

Baloch further said that the state is conducting propaganda against them with the help of “intellectuals and journalists,” adding, “We will face every oppression and lie of the state with courage, determination, and organized struggle.”

“The state that is throwing down bodies is facing a courageous nation,” she added.

Last Friday, the nationalist Balochistan National Party (BNP) began a “long march” from Wadh to Quetta to protest the detentions of BYC leaders and activists, including Mahrang Baloch and Sammi Deen Baloch, as well as the police’s response to their sit-in in Quetta.

Sammi Deen Baloch was released on Tuesday.

On Thursday in Mastung, party leader Sardar Akhtar Mengal presented three demands during the protest.

“Either release all BYC prisoners, including women, or allow us to peacefully march to Quetta for a sit-in. If not, then arrest us,” Mengal stated.

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• March 27, 1948, when Pakistan forcibly annexed the Kalat State
• The attack on Khan Kalat’s residence on October 6, 1958, which resulted in his imprisonment
• The hanging of seven Baloch companions of Nawab Nauroz Khan in Hyderabad and Sukkur jails on July 15, 1960, after trials in military courts
• The unconstitutional dismissal of the Ataullah government on February 13, 1973
• The arrest of top Baloch leaders on August 16, 1973
• The wrongful arrest of Baloch leader Khair Bakhsh Marri on January 12, 2000
• The bombardment of Dera Bugti on March 17, 2005
• The brutal killing of former minister Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti on August 26, 2006
• The assassination of activist Sabeen Mahmud on April 24, 2015, after she hosted a discussion on Balochistan

More recently, the use of water cannons, tear gas, and baton charges against the protesting families of missing persons in Islamabad on December 21, 2023; the shooting of participants in a protest march in Mastung on July 27, 2023; and the brutal attacks on peaceful protesters in Gwadar on July 28-29 have further fueled the grievances of the Baloch people. Additionally, we must remember the names of individuals such as Saba Dashtyari, the victims found in the Tutak mass graves, Comrade Ghulam Mohammad and his friends, Hayat Baloch, and many other Baloch people who lost their lives.

BLA attack and demands for an “apology”

Completely disregarding the history of oppression faced by the Baloch people, Pakistan’s intelligentsia—along with certain segments of civil society—is currently demanding apologies from Dr. Mahrang Baloch, a young woman leading the Baloch struggle against oppression. This demand follows a recent terror attack carried out by Baloch separatists.

On August 25-26, during a well-coordinated attack, the militant group Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) targeted police stations, railway lines, and highways throughout the province. The assault resulted in the deaths of at least 73 individuals, including 21 militants from the BLA. The separatist group claimed responsibility for the attack on a Frontier Corps camp in Bela, as well as assaults on police stations and Levy posts. Additionally, they detonated a railway bridge in Bolan, blocked roads at several locations across Balochistan, burned vehicles, and forcibly detained individuals at Musakhail, which borders Punjab. The victims were targeted based on their identification cards, which revealed they were from the Punjab province.

The government reported that 21 militants were killed in response to the incident, and some bodies were discovered in Khuzdar and Hub. Several victims were identified by their relatives as missing persons in state custody. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Army Chief General Asim Munir, and Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi all visited the provincial capital of Quetta to develop a strategy to counter such incidents. The scale, depth, and duration of the BLA attacks not only exposed the government’s security lapses and failures but also highlighted the increased capabilities of militant groups in Balochistan.

Anyone with a basic understanding of what is generally considered ‘common sense’ will recognize that events do not occur in isolation.

‘Do you condemn BLA?’

The way Baloch activists are being pressured to condemn separatists despite them never having supported violence reminds me of a current global event. On October 7 last year, Palestinian fighters from the resistance group Hamas breached the Israeli border and launched attacks on military installations and civilian areas. As a result, Israel experienced between 1,100 and 1,200 fatalities, with numerous individuals taken hostage as the remaining Hamas fighters retreated to Gaza.

The international community expressed shock at the brutality of the attacks. Governments worldwide—including those from developed, developing, and underdeveloped nations, as well as the so-called Muslim Ummah—swiftly condemned Hamas’s actions. There was widespread outrage, with many perceiving the incident as a significant injustice. However, this condemnation of Hamas by the international community has, paradoxically, resulted in escalating acts of violence against Palestinians, which have continued unabated to this day. With few exceptions, the global response has remained largely silent, allowing Israel to kill, injure, starve, displace, and terrorize Palestinians with apparent impunity, based on the belief that Hamas’s actions constituted terrorism—an outrage in its own right.

The atrocities, killings, displacements, and denial of land to the Palestinian people, along with the cultural and economic genocide they have faced since Israel was established in 1948, are often overlooked because Hamas killed 1,100 Israelis. How can the world’s conscience reflect on itself each day and feel content with the deaths of over 40,000 people in Gaza alone since October 7, 2023, disregarding the suffering of Palestinians since 1948?

Throughout this time, those condemning the atrocities in Gaza are being pressured to first denounce Hamas. In a similar manner, following the recent BLA attack in Pakistan, there has been widespread outrage demanding apologies and clarifications from Dr. Mahrang and anyone else with “Baloch” in their name. This expectation for apologies seems reserved for the weaker side, while the powerful conveniently overlook the plight of the victims.

Have any political leaders—Nawaz Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif, Asif Zardari, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, or Imran Khan—ever apologized for the “kill and dump” policy, the Tutak mass graves, the extrajudicial killings, or the regular baton charges against protesting Baloch women who are relatives of missing persons? They are powerful enough to evade accountability. They did not apologize for the atrocities in Bangladesh in 1971, which were conveniently brushed under the carpet in hopes that the world—and most Pakistanis—would soon forget.

How many of those outraged by the attack on August 26 have ever offered a word of condemnation for the killings and abductions of Baloch individuals, even those from universities in Islamabad and Lahore? Why are only the Baloch supposed to condemn violence, while others are exempt from this duty? Why is the killing of certain individuals considered tragic while that of others deemed acceptable?

Are the Baloch students who are taken and held in dungeons for months, only to be released later, considered combatants? Moreover, when they are released, many are left in a vegetative state. A daughter of a missing person who was released after spending time in a dungeon shared with me that she didn’t recognize her father because he appeared to be 75 years old. For quite some time, his mental state resembled that of a child. What pain and trauma do the families of missing individuals endure, and what agony do the families of those released experience upon seeing the condition of their loved ones? Wouldn’t a desire for revenge and a yearning for justice arise in the minds of relatives who suffer so greatly?

The state’s failure

The rulers have attempted to address the Baloch rights issue with force rather than seeking to understand, listen, and engage in dialogue. They had an opportunity to do so when Sardar Ataullah Mengal formed the government in Balochistan in May 1972, but they squandered it by dismissing his government. Although militant groups announced a unilateral ceasefire in September 2008, there was no response, leading them to resume fighting in January 2009. This situation illustrates that Balochistan has been an ongoing tragedy, and the attitude of the rulers suggests that it will continue to be so.

The absurd statement recently made by the Interior Minister, claiming that militancy in Balochistan can be controlled by a Station House Officer (SHO), is not only ludicrous but also reflects the mindset of government officials; he is not alone in holding such views. After the ‘Tandoori Incident’ on May 18, 1973, in which eight Dir Scouts were killed, General Tikka Khan declared in a message to Radio Pakistan that “miscreants would be apprehended in 72 hours.” However, those 72 hours extended into 1977 and beyond. State officials have consistently been out of touch with the realities on the ground in Balochistan.

Neither Hamas’s actions on October 7 nor the BLA’s actions on August 26, 2024, should be viewed in isolation from the larger historical context affecting both groups over the past 75 years. Those leftists who condemn the BLA while supporting Hamas are politically and ideologically inconsistent. The same applies to individuals who regard Kashmiris as freedom fighters while labeling the Baloch as terrorists.

Violence begets violence, and it is never a viable path to resolution. The violence faced by the Baloch has been imposed by the state, and they have responded in kind. Some well-meaning individuals have suggested that the events of August 26 may lead to further repression of the Baloch. However, has life ever been a bed of roses for the Baloch? They have suffered violence as a routine part of their lives for a long time.

The incident on August 26 should serve as an eye-opener for those in charge of this country. First and foremost, they must recognize that this violence stems from the actions they carry out through the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD), various agencies, and state-sponsored death squads. Additionally, the significant participation of militants on that day should, upon honest reflection, highlight the level of resentment prevalent in Balochistan. This resentment drives young people to risk their lives and endanger their relatives, particularly since those identified often face ongoing repercussions.

The tragic incident should be considered a lesson rather than a starting point for a new wave of vengeance and violence against the rights and lives of people in Balochistan. Unfortunately, it seems that this lesson is not being learned, as the grim reality of repression continues to surface with the discovery of many missing persons’ bodies in Khuzdar, Bolan, and other areas. Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect Dissent Today’s editorial policy.

Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The writer has been associated with the Baloch movement since 1971. He tweets @mmatalpur and can be reached at mmatalpur@gmail.com.

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Earlier, the press club had written a letter to the Islamabad police demanding the authorities remove the protest camp. After facing severe criticism from all quarters, including journalists, the NPC retracted its request to the Islamabad police for the removal of the Baloch rights camp.

The Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) had arranged this sit-in outside the NPC where the protesters were taking part in a demonstration, expressing their opposition towards enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

Despite the extreme weather conditions, the protest continued. Additionally, those organizing the sit-in in Islamabad had alleged that the police had been targeting and profiling their supporters, as well as filing cases against them.

Mahrang Baloch, who had been leading the protest, announced the end to the sit-in and said that the protestors will return to Balochistan tomorrow. She added that the participants were being harassed and threatened, and the police were spreading false information to malign them. “We were also informed that there is a possible threat near the press club area,” she said.

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During a press conference held at the Karachi Press Club, leaders from various civil society organizations, including the National Trade Union Federation, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, and the Home-Based Women Workers Federation, cautioned the government about the potential serious consequences that may arise from using excessive state force against activists and political workers.

They expressed their concerns regarding the breach of citizens’ constitutional rights during recent protests, specifically referencing the extrajudicial killings of Baloch youths in Turbat, the physical abuse of demonstrators by the police, the arrest of march participants in Islamabad, and an assault on their camp by unidentified attackers.

Sindh police have charged four activists, Saeed Baloch, Nasir Mansoor, Abdul Wahab Baloch, and Illahi Bakhsh Bikak, alongside approximately 240-260 individuals, with “abetting mutiny.” This is in response to their participation in a rally held outside the Karachi Press Club over the weekend, where they expressed their support for the Baloch people who were protesting against enforced disappearances in Balochistan. As a result of their actions, cases have been filed against them, and authorities have attempted to suppress their voices.

HRCP chairman Asad Iqbal Butt stated that the state is refusing to grant citizens their fundamental rights as outlined in the Constitution. He added that those who violate citizens’ fundamental rights are pushing the country towards chaos.

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Mahrang says she fears for the lives of those who are currently in custody, because the police’s treatment of the protestors has been violent and cruel.

The individuals arrested during the march include family members of missing persons and Zaheer Baloch, a PhD candidate at Quaid-e-Azam University. In a video circulating on social media, Zaheer Baloch can be seen politely requesting the police to allow the march participants to continue their protest. Shortly after, he was arrested.

“Zaheer Baloch and more than 100 participants of our long march are missing. We have not been informed of their location,” Mahrang Baloch told Dissent Today.

On Thursday, Islamabad police faced heavy criticism for their unprovoked use of force against Baloch activists and family members of missing persons who had traveled from Balochistan to Islamabad for the long march against extrajudicial killings and for the recovery of missing persons. To forcefully disperse the sit-in, the police arrested organizers and participants on the night of their arrival in the capital. After their subsequent release on court orders, videos of women and children being forced onto buses arranged by the Islamabad police to be returned to Balochistan against their will went viral on social media, sparking public outrage. Witnessing the mistreatment, the bus drivers refused to transport the protesters back to Quetta and offered their support instead.

Mahrang Baloch told Dissent Today that female and child protesters were physically assaulted by police officers who hurled profanities and labeled them as “terrorists.”

“After witnessing the police assaulting our people to make them leave Islamabad, I asked the women if they wanted to end the protest. However, everyone stated that they would not be pressured into returning to Balochistan and would continue the protest because that is why they had journeyed to Islamabad,” she said.

The organizers have issued a three-day ultimatum to the government to meet their demands, which include the release of all detained protestors from four days ago, as well as locating all missing persons. “It is ironic that those who were demanding the release of missing persons have themselves now gone missing,” Mahrang added.

The protest ultimatum will expire today (Monday), after which the protestors will announce their future plans. “We have and will continue to be peaceful, but the government’s policy of indifference persists,” laments Mahrang.

Caretaker federal ministers Fawad Hasan Fawad and Murtaza Solangi visited the sit-in and assured the organizers of their cooperation. However, according to Mahrang, no progress has been made on the demands and no government representatives have contacted them since the ministers’ visit.

In addition to the recovery of missing persons, the protestors are demanding that the government acknowledge the “fake encounters” conducted by the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD). “We possess all the necessary evidence to prove the number of missing persons and those who were killed in these staged encounters,” stated Mahrang.

Who is Mahrang Baloch?

Dr. Mahrang Baloch, 31, is the daughter of Abdul Ghaffar Langov, whose mutilated body was discovered in the coastal town of Gadanni in 2011. He had gone missing in 2006, and Mahrang has been actively protesting against enforced disappearances ever since.

According to Mahrang, when her father was finally presented before a judge seven months after his initial disappearance, he had been severely tortured and his teeth were broken. Langov was released in 2009, only to be kidnapped once again seven months later from a hospital where he was caring for his sick wife. Two years after that, he was found dead in Gaddani.

“My father was extrajudicially killed. No court in Pakistan had declared him a terrorist or criminal. He died as a missing person,” she asserted.

In 2017, Mahrang’s 21-year-old brother was abducted. Although he was released after three months, the hostility she encountered from authorities throughout her search for him strengthened her determination to begin a movement against enforced disappearances.

Ailia Zehra

The writer is a journalist and the Founding Editor of Dissent Today. She covers politics, human rights, and religious extremism. She tweets at @AiliaZehra.

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