The report releasted last month documents “intimidation, harassment and persecution” of human rights defenders, along with restrictions on protests and the use of counter-terrorism and digital laws to criminalise dissent. It rates Pakistan’s civic space as “repressed,” the second-worst category, citing a pattern of escalating state controls on expression and assembly.

“Since coming to power, the Shehbaz Sharif government has escalated its repression of activists… silencing critical voices,” said Josef Benedict, an Asia researcher at CIVICUS, calling on authorities to “reverse course” and protect fundamental rights.

The report highlights arrests, legal cases and surveillance targeting prominent activists and lawyers, as well as a broader clampdown on ethnic Baloch and Pashtun movements demanding accountability for enforced disappearances. It also documents increasing use of laws such as the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act to pursue online critics and block digital content.

Journalists have faced mounting pressure, including arrests, investigations and alleged attacks, contributing to what CIVICUS described as a “chilling effect” on media freedom. Protest restrictions have also intensified, with authorities frequently imposing blanket bans and using force to disperse demonstrations, per the report.

The findings come against the backdrop of political tensions following Pakistan’s 2024 elections, which the report says were marked by restrictions on opposition activities and media coverage. Despite these concerns, the country was elected to the UN Human Rights Council for a three-year term earlier this year.

CIVICUS said the situation runs counter to Pakistan’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly.

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The arrests took place in Sector F-6 of the federal capital, where participants had assembled for the rally. Organizers had announced plans to march from F-6 to D-Chowk, a key protest site in the city center. Police briefly blocked nearby roads during the operation, reopening them after the detainees were taken into custody. Veteran human rights activists Tahira Abdullah and Farazana Bari are among those arrested.

The Aurat March X account quoted three journalists who were later released as saying that women were dragged and beaten up by police while being arrested.

District administration officials said the event had not been granted a No Objection Certificate (NOC), which is required to hold public gatherings. They added that Section 144 – a legal provision restricting public assemblies – was in effect in Islamabad at the time. Authorities said the participants were detained for violating these restrictions.

Aurat March organizers, however, said they had submitted an application for an NOC to the deputy commissioner roughly a month earlier and that their request had not been formally rejected.

The arrests drew widespread condemnation.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said in a post on X: “HRCP demands the immediate release of @Aurat_marchisb organisers and participants, who were arrested earlier today by the Islamabad police. Marking International Women’s Day is the legitimate right of all Pakistani women and must be respected by the authorities. Such oppressive measures in the name of maintaining law and order are highly deplorable.”

Former senator Farhatullah Babar tweeted: “Women activists in front of press club Islamabad arrested without provocation on Int’l Women Day today and sent to women police station. We are at police station for over 2 hours wanting to see them but access is not allowed. Sad, unfortunate. Demand immediate release.”

Former state minister and leader of the Awam Pakistan party, Zafar Mirza, wrote on X: “@AwamPakistan condemn the arrests of the participants of the Aurat March in Islamabad today on the occasion of International Women Day. Peaceful protest is the constitutional and democratic right of every citizen, and actions such as arrests for exercising this right are against democratic values. The government and relevant institutions should respect this fundamental right of citizens and immediately release the arrested persons.

However, Awaam Pakistan also emphasize that all protestors should abide by the law and regulations so that the protest remains peaceful and does not create any kind of unrest or conflict.”

The Aurat March is an annual demonstration held in several Pakistani cities on March 8 to mark International Women’s Day and highlight issues such as gender-based violence, workplace discrimination, and women’s rights.

The rallies have frequently faced pushback from authorities and conservative groups. In 2023, clashes broke out between police and demonstrators during the march in Islamabad, with officers blocking access to protest sites and attempting to disperse participants. In other years, organizers have faced legal petitions seeking to halt the demonstrations, as well as police cases and accusations over slogans and banners displayed during the rallies.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Pakistan Police Arrest 17 at Islamabad Aurat March on Women’s Day appeared first on Dissent Today.

Footage and reports from the scene show leaders of Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ –widely understood as the rebranded form of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – delivering hard-line speeches in the afternoon just before the blast. The event included rhetoric targeting Shia beliefs and identity. While the rally itself did not turn violent, its timing and message have intensified scrutiny of the sectarian undercurrents that afflict Pakistan.

Who Are ASWJ/SSP?

ASWJ traces its roots directly to Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, a Sunni extremist organization founded in the 1980s with an explicitly anti-Shia agenda. SSP was outlawed in 2002, but has continually resurfaced under new names, including ASWJ, allowing its activists and leaders to operate in public political and religious spaces.

Human rights reports and country analyses also document widespread incitement of hatred and violence against Shia Muslims by extremist clerics and groups in Pakistan, with rhetoric tolerated across many regions even when overt violence declines.

A history of anti-Shia violence

Shia Muslims – a minority in predominantly Sunni Pakistan – have been recurrent targets of sectarian violence over decades. Studies and historical records show thousands of Shias killed in militant attacks by groups that include violent offshoots of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and Islamic State affiliates. These groups have on several occasions vowed to “rid Pakistan of Shias.”

Notable historical instances include the 1963 Therhi massacre in Sindh, where more than a hundred Shias were killed in a sectarian attack, and the 1988 Gilgit massacre, in which estimates place Shia fatalities in the hundreds amid targeted violence. Mass bombings in Quetta’s Shia-dominated neighborhoods and targeted killings also claimed hundreds of lives from 2010-2013.

More recently, a mass shooting ambush on a convoy of Shia travellers in Kurram District in late 2024 killed at least 54 people — one of the deadliest sectarian assaults in years.

These attacks are part of a long pattern of sectarian militancy in Pakistan, where extremist groups have periodically targeted Shias during worship, pilgrimage or travel.

Pakistan blames the “foreign hand”

In the aftermath of Friday’s Islamabad blast, Pakistani authorities have placed strong emphasis on foreign involvement in the attack.

Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi said investigators had identified suspects with links to militants in Afghanistan and alleged support from foreign actors, including India – claims that Indian officials have called “baseless and pointless.”

The Islamic State’s Pakistan affiliate has also claimed responsibility for the bombing, underscoring the role of transnational extremist networks in attacking Shia targets.

However, critics argue that focusing on external blame may obscure the deep-rooted history of sectarian hatred and organized anti-Shia activity inside Pakistan, including groups like ASWJ/SSP whose rhetoric and mobilisation have helped normalise social hostility toward religious minorities.

Civil society advocates warn that without confronting these internal dynamics – including public hate speech and the continued operation of sectarian networks – Pakistan’s recurring cycles of violence against Shias will persist alongside any foreign threats.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Overlooking Homegrown Hate, Pakistan Hesitates to Call Islamabad Blast Anti-Shia Violence appeared first on Dissent Today.

Islamabad – Shafiullah Jan, special assistant to the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) chief minister, appeared to refuse to categorically label the banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) a “terrorist organization” in an interview with a national news anchor last week – drawing sharp criticism from opponents, activists and media commentators.

At a press appearance this week, federal Information Minister Attaullah Tarar played a video clip in which Jan was asked whether the outlawed TTP is a terrorist group. Jan declined to give an unequivocal “yes,” saying “there are groups within the TTP and those who are against the state are terrorists.”

The federal minister seized on the remarks, accusing Jan and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) of soft-pedaling Pakistan’s insurgent threat and extended an “olive branch” to militants.

“The spokespersons of the political party are afraid of talking about the terrorist group,” Tarar said, claiming that PTI leaders fear being attacked by the TTP and therefore won’t condemn them outright.

The comments reignited long-standing debates in Pakistan about counterterrorism, messaging and political strategy — and drawn fire on social media from journalists and activists.

“Inexcusable behavior. You cannot complain or clutch pearls about being smeared as terror sympathizers when your own government’s spokesman can’t muster the bare bones clarity or spine to call the mass murdering butchers of TTP a terrorist group,” wrote activist Ammar Rashid on X.

Raza Haroon, a former provincial minister, wrote: “#PTI appears visibly confused and lacking clarity. Today, the party’s Secretary General, @salmanAraja, categorically acknowledged the #TTP as a terrorist organisation, ironically on the same show..”, adding, “This only exposes the party’s persistent policy incoherence and internal contradictions.”

Some commentators also mentioned older controversies around incarcerated former premier Imran Khan’s statements on militant figures.

In June 2020, Khan drew international and domestic rebuke when he used the Urdu word “shaheed” (martyr) to describe slain Osama bin Laden during a National Assembly speech – language critics said blurred the line between strategic critique of U.S. foreign policy and reverence for a globally designated terrorist.

Opposition leaders at the time said bin Laden was “a terrorist through and through,” pointing to the attacks he orchestrated at home and abroad, including against Pakistani citizens, and questioning the prime minister’s choice of words.

The TTP has been proscribed in Pakistan for years and is widely accused of orchestrating deadly attacks across the country, particularly in the north-west.

Against that backdrop, critics argue that any ambiguity in public rhetoric undermines counterterrorism efforts and emboldens extremist narratives.

Political rhetoric that fails to clearly denounce militant groups like the TTP is problematic because it dilutes public understanding of the threat the group poses and weakens a unified national response to ongoing violence, including numerous recent attacks the TTP has carried out in Pakistan.

Ambiguous language from political figures, especially when they avoid plainly calling an active militant group a terrorist organization, can create confusion among citizens about who is a threat and why, making it harder to sustain broad support for the hard security and legal measures needed to counter the challenge, especially given that there has been a resurgence of the TTP threat recently.

Analysts and security experts have noted that shifting or evasive narratives around the TTP have left the Pakistani public “poorly informed and confused about the nature of the threat,” and have at times emboldened the insurgents by suggesting there might be political space for negotiation without accountability, a distinction crucial for effective counterterrorism policy and public resilience.

This ambiguity also has real implications for national cohesion and counterterror strategy. When elected officials hedge on defining terrorism, it can erode confidence in government commitment to security policy, weaken cross-party cooperation on counterterrorism, and even be exploited by militants in their propaganda, which actively seeks to shape narratives in their favor.

Such rhetoric risks normalizing extremist violence in public discourse and undermines long-standing frameworks like Pakistan’s National Action Plan, which was built on broad consensus to crack down on terrorism and eliminate proscribed organizations.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post PTI’s Ambiguous Rhetoric on Taliban Is Dangerous for Pakistan’s Counter-Extremism Efforts appeared first on Dissent Today.

A fact-finding mission by the HRCP released its findings in a report Wednesday, saying that the province is facing a “shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity.”

According to the HRCP, enforced disappearances have continued in the province. It added that civic space is rapidly diminishing, provincial autonomy is being eroded, and public trust is plummeting under unchecked repression.

“The mission’s findings reveal a disturbing pattern of continued enforced disappearances, shrinking civic space, erosion of provincial autonomy and unchecked impunity—conditions that continue to fuel public alienation and political instability,” noted the report.

The HRCP warned that unless Pakistan abandons coercive methods and embraces a political, rights-based resolution, Balochistan could spiral further into instability — with implications extending far beyond the province’s borders.

Civil society activists, particularly groups like the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), are being targeted under terrorism allegations in the province.

HRCP warned this crackdown has “only deepened alienation, especially among the youth,” and demanded legal recognition and protection for activists.

Activism in the province remains dangerously suppressed. Mahrang Baloch, a prominent rights advocate, has been jailed since March. Writing from prison, she denounced the misuse of counter-terror laws to stifle peaceful dissent and highlighted how Baloch communities have long been denied fairness in resource distribution.

Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy in Balochistan who was accused of sharing an activist’s speech online was booked on terrorism charges — drawing widespread condemnation of criminalizing minors.

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He attributed this dire situation to an escalating government crackdown, widely believed to stem from his alleged association with the imprisoned former Prime Minister Imran Khan.

As one of Pakistan’s richest and most powerful business figures, best known as the head of Bahria Town Limited, Riaz has publicly complained for months about being targeted for “political motives.”

In a post on social media platform X on Tuesday, Riaz claimed that authorities had frozen Bahria Town’s bank accounts, confiscated vehicles, and detained dozens of employees. He added that these actions have “paralyzed” company operations and brought all projects to a standstill.

He added: “The situation has reached a point where we are being forced to completely shut down all Bahria Town activities across Pakistan.”

Before encountering these legal and financial challenges, Riaz was widely regarded as among the most powerful individuals in Pakistan. His real estate empire and political clout made him virtually untouchable.

His influence extended across political, military, and media circles, strengthening Bahria Town’s dominance in the country’s property sector.

Riaz cultivated close connections with senior political figures and high-ranking establishment officials, which often facilitated the expansion of his ventures by enabling Bahria Town to evict local communities with impunity. These evictions were typically orchestrated under state-driven “anti-encroachment” campaigns — conducted via colonial-era laws — yet carried out in coordination with Bahria Town. Such operations frequently targeted marginalized low-income groups without meaningful legal protections, compensation, or resettlement support.

Physical intimidation, legal coercion, and institutional impunity permitted construction to proceed while victims endured long-term displacement and impoverishment.

Even when heavy fines were imposed, the underlying forced-displacement patterns persisted.

In December 2019, Khan‑era Advisor Shahzad Akbar presented a sealed “non‑disclosure agreement” to the federal cabinet regarding a £190 million settlement between the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) and developer Malik Riaz. Cabinet ministers were not shown the document and were told opening it would breach national security protocols.

The NCA had frozen Riaz’s assets and recovered £190 million, due to be returned to Pakistan. However, the deal arranged —through Akbar — funneled the money back to Riaz to pay off his liabilities to the Supreme Court, enabling Bahria Town to avoid default.

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) ministers, including Shireen Mazari, Pervez Khattak, Zubaida Jalal, testified in court that they had no access to the details, and were assured verbally that funds were from NCA to benefit Pakistan—not to Riaz personally.

Shortly after the transaction, the Al‑Qadir Trust was launched by Khan and his wife Bushra Bibi (among others), supposedly for charitable education projects. But accusations followed: PTI critics claim the trust was created only after the funds were transferred, to serve as a front for kickbacks from Bahria Town.

The reference alleges that 458 kanals of land valued at around Rs 530 million were donated to the trust, and an additional 240 kanals transferred to Farah Shahzadi, a close associate of Bibi.

NAB claims Imran’s cut amounted to roughly Rs 5 billion through this arrangement.

Last year, a report from Human Rights Watch described how authorities in Pakistan — often in coordination with private developers like Bahria Town — executed mass evictions of low-income communities under the guise of “anti‑encroachment” drives. Residents in Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad were removed without notice, consultation, compensation, or resettlement support, which is a direct violation of international human rights standards. Many lost both homes and livelihoods in the process.

In 2021, eyewitness accounts and social‑media testimonies from Sindh relayed stories of families stripped of ancestral land by Bahria Town, forced to flee with virtually nothing, and deprived of acceptable means to rebuild their lives.

Honest police officials or judges who tried to pursue accountability were reportedly sidelined or transferred. Bahria Town’s influence over bureaucrats, politicians, and the media helped sustain its projects despite repeated Supreme Court rulings annulling the land transfers.

Fariha Ijaz

The writer is an Assistant Editor at Dissent Today, focusing on extremism and political violence.

The post Once Above the Law, Now Under Fire: Malik Riaz’s Empire Faces Total Shutdown appeared first on Dissent Today.

Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) had supported the legislation, but its own leader, Raza Rabbani, has come out against the bill. He issued a statement on Friday, saying, “This bill will further undermine freedom of expression by establishing authorities that operate under executive control.”

The controversial bill suggests adding a new provision, Section 26(A), to the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA). This addition is aimed at penalizing those responsible for spreading “fake news” online.

It states: “Anyone who intentionally distributes, publicly displays, or transmits information through any information system that they know or have reason to believe is false or misleading, and is likely to instill fear, panic, disorder, or unrest in the general public or society, shall face punishment of imprisonment for up to three years, a fine of up to Rs2 million, or both.”

Digital rights activists say it would be used to arbitarily clamp down on free expression on online platforms.

Rabbani said the bill would empower the executive not only to control the content of messages but also to regulate those who manage social media platforms.

“Joint Investigation Teams including members of unnamed intelligence agencies will be formed to watch over journalists, social media and the general public,” he warned.

Rabbani stated the government failed to take the relevant stakeholders in confidence before the passage of the bill. “In fact, it breached its commitments with various elected journalist bodies for consultation,” he said in the statement.

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Despite its vastness, the region’s 280,000 residents, including a significant Hindu minority, have been mired in a decades-long struggle for land and water rights.

The people of Cholistan are striving to secure ownership of the land they were promised by the government for cultivation purposes. Furthermore, the region faces an acute scarcity of drinking water, prompting persistent demands from the community for access to clean water.

To address these issues, the then government established the Cholistan Development Authority (CDA), under the CDA Act of 1976, which was tasked with improving the region’s well-being. Its responsibilities include creating irrigation systems, providing drinking water for humans and cattle, establishing farms, healthcare facilities, and schools, and ensuring the prosperity of the local population. However, these lofty objectives have often been overshadowed by delays, corruption, and controversial policies.

The dream of land ownership in Cholistan dates back to 1959 when residents submitted applications under the Mazeed Ugao Scheme. Unfortunately, no records of these applications exist, and no land was ever distributed under this scheme. After the CDA’s formation, the first organized land allotment scheme began in 2013. Out of 65,000 applicants, only 21,000 met the strict eligibility criteria, which required proof of residency, a livestock tax receipt (Tarni), and a CNIC and voter registration from Cholistan. However, in 2018 when the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government came to power, it cancelled the land allotment process on the grounds of corruption. 

In 2019, a fresh round of applications began, resulting in 41,841 eligible candidates out of 64,240. Yet, the process stalled during PTI’s tenure, leaving thousands in limbo. It wasn’t until December 2023, under the then Interim Chief Minister of Punjab, Mohsin Naqvi, that the long-awaited allotment materialized. Through a computerized lottery system, 27,451 farmers were finally granted 344,000 acres of land across Yazman, Liaquatpur, and Fort Abbas.

For the people of Cholistan, this marked the culmination of a 60-year struggle. Yet, this victory remains incomplete as many farmers still await possession of their allotted lands.

While the people of Cholistan fought tirelessly for land, thousands of acres were quietly handed over to influential groups. Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) investigations revealed that the CDA allocated 74,000 acres to the military, though local residents claim this figure is closer to 400,000 acres.

Moreover, land has been given to foreign entities, including the Prince of Abu Dhabi and Chinese investors, according to HRCP’s findings.  In June 2023, the Punjab government announced plans to use Cholistan’s land for corporate farming under the Green Pakistan Initiative. 

By October 19, 2023, 700,000 acres had been leased to M/S Green Corporate Initiative Pvt. Ltd. for 20 years, with an optional 10-year extension. The terms of this agreement remain shrouded in secrecy, raising questions about transparency and accountability.

The proposed Cholistan Canal, which is a part of this initiative, adds another layer of controversy. Ostensibly aimed at supporting agriculture, there is widespread skepticism about whether its water will benefit local farmers or be monopolized by corporate farming ventures. Without water, the newly allotted lands for local farmers remain barren and unproductive.

While the people of Cholistan fought tirelessly for land, thousands of acres were quietly handed over to influential groups. Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) investigations revealed that the CDA allocated 74,000 acres to the Pakistan military

The people of Cholistan are united in their fight for justice, demanding both water and land rights. Protests have highlighted the government’s failure to prioritize the needs of local farmers over corporate interests.

Political parties and civil society must stand with the people of Cholistan, ensuring that the region’s resources are not exploited for corporate gain. The government must:

1. Publicly disclose all corporate farming agreements.
2. Conduct a scientific analysis of the risks and benefits associated with the Cholistan Canal.
3. Guarantee that the Cholistan Canal serves local farmers first.
4. Expedite the transfer of land possession to rightful allottees.

Cholistan’s farmers have endured decades of broken promises. Now, their fight is not just for land but for the very resources that will sustain their livelihoods. The desert speaks of resilience, but it also echoes a plea for justice. Will the authorities pay heed?

Nazir Ahmad

The writer is a human rights defender with extensive experience in training and educating activists. He has twice served as a council member of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.  

The post Cholistan Farmers’ Longstanding Struggle for Land and Water Rights Remains Overlooked appeared first on Dissent Today.

In a statement posted on its social media account, the HRCP said, “In response to today’s announcement that military courts have convicted 25 civilians for the PTI-led 9 May riots, HRCP reiterates its position that no civilian should be tried in a military court under any circumstances.”

The statement added that trials of civilians in military courts violate the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan and the international human rights obligations to which Pakistan is a state party.

“All civilians accused of violence should have been prosecuted in civilian courts through open public proceedings to protect their right to due process and fair trial,” the statement said.

On Saturday, Pakistan jailed 25 civilians over attacks on military installations that took place following the arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan on May 9, 2023.

Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR), the military’s public relations wing, confirmed the development and added that a military court had given sentences between two and 10 years of “rigorous imprisonment”, with 14 facing a decade in prison.

Human rights activists have long expressed concerns over trials of civilians in military courts, arguing that the requirements for fairness and due process are not met by these courts.

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Children and the elderly who suffered from seasonal viral infections died in recent weeks due to the severe shortage of life-saving drugs. There is a lack of gas and oxygen in the children’s ward at the District Headquarters Hospital (DHQ), which is the city’s only government hospital. Nearly all local pharmacies in the Kurram district have run out of medicines.

At least 29 children have died since the blockade began in October, according to doctors. But the actual number of child fatalities due to the siege may be higher. Pediatrician Dr. Zulfiqar Ali told Dissent Today that the lack of access to petroleum in the area has prevented many patients from reaching hospitals in the outskirts of Parachinar. As a result, they are unable to register the number of child fatalities caused by various seasonal viral diseases.

The Thal-Parachinar Highway is the only road connecting Parachinar to the rest of the country, and it has been closed due to the ongoing sectarian clashes in the Kurram district, which began in October. The violence that resulted from the clashes claimed more than 120 lives.

Many children are admitted in the nursery ward at the District Headquarters Hospital in Parachinar, which is experiencing a shortage of gas and oxygen. With temperatures dropping to -4°C, the lives of many children under treatment at the hospital are at risk. Moreover, the shortage of milk is causing severe nutritional problems for children.

Child physicians at the DHQ hospital have requested the immediate provision of LPG gas for heating, as well as oxygen cylinders for emergencies and necessary medicines for children.

The hospital’s wards are currently at full capacity, and the administration is refusing admission to new patients.

Another pediatric specialist at DHQ Parachinar, Dr. Iqrar Hussain, said that the absence of gas for heating the hospital wards is forcing parents to take their sick children home. “This is causing the spread of viral infections among families,” he told Dissent Today.

Wajid Khan, the father of two-month-old twin babies from Lower Kurram, has been unable to find powdered milk for his children, as all the pharmacies and stores are out of stock. With tears in his eyes, he expressed his anguish over the lack of available nutrition. He noted that hundreds of other fathers are also searching the markets for nutrition for their children but have been unsuccessful.

A Parachinar-based social activist, Shahid Kazmi, told Dissent Today that the medicines provided by the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister via helicopter are merely a media stunt. “In reality, the supplies delivered to the DHQ Hospital are insufficient to meet the needs of the approximately 380,000 people under siege in Upper Kurram.”

Javid Hussain

The writer is a journalist from Parachinar.

The post Parachinar Siege: 29 Children Dead As City’s Only Govt Hospital Faces Shortage Of Medical Supplies appeared first on Dissent Today.