Despite the treatment he and his family members have endured from the state, Wazir chose to represent his people’s voice in Pakistan’s Parliament, even though the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), the civil rights movement with which he was affiliated at the time, opposes parliamentary politics. His presence in the Parliament meant that the way the state treated Wazir and the importance it attached to his voice and grievances could have gone a long way in healing decades of wounds inflicted on the people of his province by manufactured conflicts. It could also have helped build the trust of the people of Wazir’s constituency in the state institutions that are ostensibly made for the people, by the people. But the right to representation for the 150,000 voters of South Waziristan did not matter. The state decided to punish Wazir for exercising his right to freedom of expression. In doing so, it sent a clear message: that peaceful resistance against state oppression has no space. Worse still, it cemented the perception and grievance of the Pashtun people that Pakistan’s institutions, including its Parliament, have no real room for them or their voices.

When Wazir was arrested in December 2020, he was kept behind bars on around four different charges, despite being granted bail by the Supreme Court of Pakistan. He was eventually released two years and two months after his arrest. A few months after his release in February 2023, he was arrested once again in June of that year. He was released only to be re-arrested in a series of cases lodged against him from August to September 2023. While I had the great honor of being his co-accused in three of the cases lodged against him in Islamabad during that period, my gender and domicile made it difficult for our captors to continue my ordeal. However, Wazir continued to be arrested and re-arrested thereafter, facing charges in at least two other cases. Finally, when he was released, he had just a few months of freedom before being subjected to further detention—this time under the draconian Maintenance of Public Order (MPO), first issued in Rawalpindi and then in Gujrat. This cycle of new cases under the MPO began after he was arrested in August 2024 in connection with three different cases in Islamabad—accident, narcotics, and 7 ATA. The lack of outrage over Wazir’s prolonged incarceration reflects our national mindset, which believes that some lives are more worthy of respect and protection than others. This explains why Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) workers in urban areas are arrested while PTM workers convening for their National Jirga in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are met with straight fire, killing four and injuring many others. Again, impunity reigns.

“It is irrelevant who is in government in Pakistan; so long as power is wielded from behind the scenes, there is no space for people like Ali Wazir. He has the wrong domicile, which allows the state to imprison him on trumped-up terror charges.”

There was a similar disconnect between Islamabad and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa when many of Wazir’s family members were targeted by the Taliban. Islamabad was calling for military operations and narrative-building to justify Rawalpindi’s displacement, murder, and humiliation of the Pashtun people. It was deemed to be in the “greater national interest” and the “need of the hour” to root out terrorism “once and for all.” How many “once and for all”s there have been is now long forgotten. The military has played (and continues to play) the “good Taliban/bad Taliban” game, yet there is zero accountability for public money spent on a series of military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Wazir has consistently, without any concern for personal consequences, raised his voice against this daylight robbery, the plunder, and the general ease with which the state has dehumanized the Pashtun people.

It is irrelevant who is in government in Pakistan; so long as power is wielded from behind the scenes, there is no space for people like Wazir. He has the wrong domicile, which allows the state to imprison him on trumped-up terror charges or under the MPO. No court can intervene, and no media will provide him with coverage. When he was in jail during his time as parliamentarian, successive speakers of the National Assembly forgot the term “Production Order.” Similarly, no court seems able to grasp the simple reality—that Wazir is neither a criminal nor a terrorist, and he is being punished solely for choosing not to compromise on his principles in the struggle for a life of dignity for the Pashtun people. For a country where there is no political consensus on basic issues of civilian supremacy and the rule of law, it is truly astounding how all political players appear to agree that Wazir must be permanently incarcerated. The courts where Wazir is presented—regardless of their location in the country—also seem to share the unanimous view that sham proceedings must continue. In this situation, more than “judicial reforms,” it appears that Pakistan is in desperate need of the complete dismantling of all its racist and unjust institutions that treat the liberty and dignity of the Pashtun people as disposable.

Condemned if they make it to Parliament. Condemned if they steer clear of parliamentary politics. Condemned if they cry. Condemned if they scream. Perpetually condemned for no reason other than the fact that they can be, because when has mainstream Pakistan ever shown collective compassion for the persecuted from the “peripheries”?

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post Ex-Lawmaker Ali Wazir’s Continued Incarceration is Our Collective Failure appeared first on Dissent Today.

The government of Pakistan’s decision to ban the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), a social movement that originated from the country’s peripheries, sends a troubling message to citizens—that their constitutional rights do not matter and that maintaining a non-violent stance will lead to harsh treatment. Since its inception, PTM has remained committed to peaceful protests. The non-violent nature of the struggle has been the movement’s greatest strength, and this peaceful approach is what appears to have provoked the state. The PTM has always been peaceful in its struggle, contrasting sharply with the actions of some mainstream political parties, such as the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), which have resorted to violence in recent protests in several cities. Despite the unrest caused by these groups, they have been allowed to operate.

The way the state recently attempted to violently prevent the Grand National Jirga (dialogue) of Pashtuns organized by the PTM further reveals its intolerance for peaceful protests. The PTM called for a grand dialogue to discuss the situation of Pashtuns in Pakistan, the ongoing proxy wars in the region and their impact on Pashtuns, the militarization of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the way forward. Pashtun political parties, academics, activists, and Pashtuns from various backgrounds were invited to the jirga. District Khyber was selected as the venue for the gathering. However, the state began disrupting preparations by initiating a crackdown against the PTM. In response to this call for the jirga, the federal government announced a ban on the PTM and declared it a proscribed organization. On October 9, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police and Frontier Corps launched an attack on the campsite of the jirga, opening fire on PTM activists present at the venue. Four PTM activists were killed, and many others were injured. Mobile networks in the area were shut down. This is how the state, including both the federal and provincial governments, chose to respond to the PTM’s call for a gathering of Pashtuns for peace.

About a month ago, the Supreme Court of Pakistan was compelled to reverse a ruling in favor of the rights of a religious minority group due to violent protests and threats from TLP aimed at the Chief Justice. This difference in the state’s response to protests by social movements and extremist groups highlights a concerning reality: violent groups are taken seriously, while peaceful advocacy is met with repression.

The origin of PTM

The PTM was founded primarily as a response to the state’s oppression in the Pashtun regions of Pakistan. Over the decades, the state used the region of ex-FATA (tribal districts that were merged with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2018) as a launching pad for Project Taliban, a state agenda aimed at protecting Western interests. Under this project, the people of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province endured significant injustices and had no channels through which to voice their grievances, leading to a constant rise in oppression.

It was the state that initially settled militants in that region, which resulted in widespread violence, including suicide bombings. After several years of TTP’s terror, a military operation against the Taliban was launched that displaced locals. They were reassured that normalcy would return when they are back home after the military operations. However, upon returning, they found their homes demolished. Instead of leading honorable lives after the military action, they faced further humiliation. Security forces regularly raided their homes without explanation, and they endured mistreatment at check posts—all justified under the guise of anti-militancy operations.

After the military operation, it became evident that terrorists had not been the primary targets; rather, it was the homes of ordinary citizens that were destroyed. The state displaced Pashtuns in the name of peace and subjected them to further humiliation. In this context, Pashtun youth rallied against the state. The PTM was founded in 2018 following the brutal killing of a Pashtun youth, Naqeebullah Mehsud, in a fake police encounter. The movement gained momentum very rapidly in a very short period of time.

PTM emerged as a response to decades of oppression faced by the Pashtun people. It laid the foundation for a new political narrative that challenged the establishment’s policies, advocating for justice and rights for the Pashtun community. And the movement began facing intimidation right after its formation. 

The government of Pakistan’s decision to ban the PTM, a social movement that originated from the country’s peripheries, sends a troubling message to citizens—that their constitutional rights do not matter.

The state’s double standards 

The state of Pakistan engaged in negotiations with the Taliban during a period marked by brutal acts, including beheadings and suicide bombings across the country. As a result of the violence, the government felt compelled to negotiate with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and their initial plan was to concede certain areas to the militant group. However, these intentions were disrupted by our protests. The state’s current accommodation of the Taliban in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa suggests that this policy of giving space to the militants is being repeated.

This pattern of double standards was also apparent during the protests against election rigging earlier this year. While the PTI was allowed to protest and control the narrative surrounding alleged electoral mismanagement, our party, the National Democratic Movement, faced violence when we protested against rigging in Waziristan. I was shot and injured, and four of my colleagues lost their lives two days after the election—all because we sought accountability regarding the announcement of results in our constituency. The recent killing of four PTM activists during the state’s attempts to prevent the grand jirga serves as a reminder that this policy of using force against peaceful Pashtun protestors continues. 

This disparity in the treatment of dissenting voices in Punjab compared to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is alarming. The state has always overlooked the unrest perpetuated by religious extremist groups, such as the TLP and TTP. In contrast, peaceful social movements emerging from peripheral regions face disproportionate targeting and repression. This unjust treatment of individuals from smaller provinces has been a key feature in Pakistan’s relationship with these regions.

PML-N and PPP’s refusal to learn from the past

I urge the parties leading the federal government to learn from their past mistakes. During my time in the last National Assembly, I consistently warned PTI lawmakers not to facilitate legislation that granted unchecked power to the military establishment, as it could ultimately be used against them. I warned them that surrendering civilian authority to the establishment might make their own party vulnerable in the future, and that’s exactly what happened. 

Given PTI’s current situation, both the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) should have learned a lesson. They have encountered similar challenges in the past, yet they seem unwilling to acknowledge this lesson. Their refusal to learn from history will cost them dearly.

Mohsin Dawar

The writer is a former Pakistani parliamentarian and chair of the National Democratic Movement.

The post Banning PTM Sends a Dangerous Message to the Youth appeared first on Dissent Today.

PTM sources further said that two activists of the group were injured, but Pashteen remained unhurt.

In a statement issued four hours after the arrest, Chaman Deputy Commissioner Raja Athar Abbas claimed that the arrest was made after PTM workers fired at the police from Pashteen’s vehicle.

Before his arrest on Monday, Pashteen had addressed a sit-in in Chaman against the forced deportation of Afghan refugees from Pakistan. During his speech at the Chaman protest, he had announced that the PTM would stand in solidarity with the Baloch activists who have staged a sit-in in Turbat.

Last month, National Democratic Movement (NDM) Chairman and former lawmaker Mohsin Dawar was briefly detained in Quetta and forced to go back to Islamabad while he was on his way to Chaman to attend this protest against Pakistan government’s new border crossing laws.

A day later, Maulana Hidayatur Rehman Baloch, the leader of Gwadar’s rights movement Haq Do Tehreek (HDT), was also arrested by local authorities ahead of his visit to Chaman for participation in the same protest. The sit-in in Chaman has been going on for over 40 days now.

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On Monday morning, they were presented before the anti-terrorism court after being booked on charges of terrorism. Former MNA Ali Wazir’s face was covered with a cloth as he appeared before the court.

In his statement to the court, Wazir said that he did not say anything objectionable during his speech at the rally in Islamabad. “We simply wanted to get our voices heard in Islamabad,” he added.

Imaan Mazari’s legal team told the court that they were not allowed to hold a meeting with her and sought the court’s permission to meet her. The anti-terrorism court then announced its verdict, remanding Ali Wazir and Imaan Mazari to the police for three days.

Both individuals have been booked after their participation in the PTM rally against enforced disappearances and terrorism held outside the Supreme Court on Friday. Ahead of the rally, workers and supporters of PTM were arrested on their way to Islamabad. The administration had also imposed Section 144 in the capital on the day of the rally.

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On Thursday, Islamabad administration imposed Section 144 for an indefinite period, banning rallies in the federal capital. The PTM jalsa is scheduled to be held at 3pm today (Friday), and organisers have vowed to go ahead with it despite the crackdown and restrictions.

PTM’s Naimatullah Wazir and NDM’s Hassan Nasir are among those who have been taken into custody. Earlier, more than 80 members of the PTM were reportedly arrested from Shewa, Hangu after the police stopped their convoy heading to Islamabad.

Activist Talimand Khan announced on X (formerly Twitter) that his younger brother had been arrested “as part of midnight crackdown on PTM”.

Swat police has arrested my younger brother Aqalmand Khan as part of midnight crack down on PTM. The state itself is adding fuel to the fire. pic.twitter.com/7xWkxaYyBv

— Talimand Khan (@MirSwat) August 17, 2023

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Further, the Committee notes that “the trial of civilians in military or special courts may raise serious problems as far as the equitable, impartial and independent administration of justice is concerned.” Accordingly, “trials of civilians by military or special courts should be exceptional, i.e. limited to cases where the State party can show that resorting to such trials is necessary and justified by objective and serious reasons, and where with regard to the specific class of individuals and offences at issue the regular civilian courts are unable to undertake the trials.” 

In Pakistan, court martial trials of civilians are opaque, biased and heavily dependent on the whims and wishes of military high command. There is no meaningful right of appeal; no free and unimpeded access of accused to counsel; no provision of record/documentation to counsel for the accused; and perhaps most concerning of all, military officers take on the role of judges, when they do not possess the requisite training or capacity to do so. Imagine the converse if your mind cannot process the nature or magnitude of the problem: judges being sent to defend our borders with a copy of the Constitution. If that is laughable, so is the idea that those tasked with defending Pakistan against external aggression, have the training or capacity to dispense justice. Different organs of the State/Government have differing responsibilities — for good reason.

Following the horrific cold-blooded murder of Pakistan’s children in the Army Public School (APS) terrorist attack, the nation was traumatized and that trauma resulted in poor decision-making (there were only a handful of people who chose principle over panic – the late Asma Jahangir included of course). If anything was Pakistan’s “9/11”, it was that absolutely tragic mass murder of this country’s children. Anyone who recalls the waves of terrorism that engulfed Pakistan, and the indiscriminate military operations ostensibly aimed at countering that terrorism, will remember that despite us ceding our civil liberties by allowing the 21^st Constitutional Amendment, we were not safe then and we are not safe now. In fact, even after our 9/11, we refused to course correct. Ehsanullah Ehsan – the man we were told made it necessary for us to surrender our civil liberties – roams free while a young man who stole a peacock from the Corps Commander House Lahore is languishing in prison. So in the eyes of the state, the value of the Corps Commander’s peacock far outweighs the value of human life – in fact a Pakistani child’s life.

In a June 2016 briefing paper by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), titled “Military Injustice in Pakistan,” it was observed that “Pakistani military courts are not independent and the proceedings before them fall far short of national and international fair trial standards.” It would appear that Law Minister Adam Namer Tarar was in a deep slumber from 2015 till date because there seems to be no other reasonable explanation for why he is actively misleading the public today with entirely false statements claiming that Pakistan’s military courts comply with international minimum protections for fair trial and due process. This is not only disingenuous but also in breach of the Minister’s oath, which places on him the obligation to “do right to all manner of people, according to Law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will.” That “all manner of people” includes all of Pakistan’s citizens, irrespective of whether they are Baloch students, activists of the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) or even political workers of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI).

In Pakistan, court martial trials of civilians are biased and heavily dependent on the whims of military high command. There is no meaningful right of appeal, and most concerning of all, military officers take on the role of judges.

Such barefaced defense of the unjustifiable isn’t limited to the Law Minister. The Government machinery has gone into overdrive to defend military court trials of civilians, which they themselves will likely be the victims of a few years from now. One must remember to ask the Prime Minister’s Special Assistant Mr. Atta Tarar how he feels about the “three rights of appeal” in that eventuality. After all, in Pakistan, we only seem to care if and when we become victims of an injustice.

In a country where even the mildest of criticism of the military high command can result in trial by court martial, it is alarming that the entire civilian set up (that holds power as a trust for the people of Pakistan) is performing mental gymnastics to deal a final blow to any prospect of civilian supremacy or control. 

Action against May 9 rioters 

The acts that took place on 9 and 10 May are nothing more than offences triable under the Pakistan Penal Code – they neither require trials by anti-terrorism courts nor court martial trials. To suggest that acts of arson or attacks on public property – criminal offenses under the Penal Code – require civilians to be subjected to trials by military officers, who do not even have basic understanding of the law, is beyond absurd and dangerous.

One need only recall the enforced disappearance and secret trial of human rights defender, Idrees Khattak, resulting in his continued incarceration. In November 2019, Idrees Khattak was forcibly disappeared and there was no information available on his fate or whereabouts up until several months later. In June 2020, it was discovered that Idrees Khattak was in the custody of the agencies working under the Ministry of Defence, in connection with a case under the Official Secrets Act. What followed exactly, no one knows (due to the inherent non-transparency and secrecy that surrounds military courts which is not denied but in fact justified on grounds of “confidentiality” and “national security”). However, Idrees Khattak was tried and sentenced to fourteen years rigorous imprisonment. He is not the only civilian who has been subjected to biased and opaque court martial proceedings. In Pakistan, where all power rests with Rawalpindi (with zero accountability for exercise of that power), there can never be even the remotest possibility of fair trial of civilians by court martial.

Have civilian courts failed to serve justice?

There is no weight in the argument being deployed by the civilian face of the present martial law to justify court martial of civilians. However, so that the uninterrupted flow of disinformation can be countered, the same is addressed below. The main (and rather audacious) line of argument adopted by those who lectured us on giving “respect to the vote”, is that the ordinary courts have failed to dispense justice and so there is a need for military courts. 

First, this flawed argument presumes (incorrectly) that military courts ensure fair dispensation of justice. This is contrary to the facts, research, judicial record and our history. Second, these courts which are being looked down upon by the civilian leadership are the same ordinary courts that are flooded each time it rains, where lawyers, judges and litigants alike sit for hours on end, covered in dirt and sweat in a tiny court room, functioning within a system that is heavily overburdened as a result of both frivolous/fake cases by the State against its own citizens and a refusal by the very same State to allocate sufficient funds/resources for functioning of the judiciary. Further, these are the same courts that rely on effective and timely investigations to proceed. How effective will those investigations be when investigating officers carry out the same on their own personal expense (with no proper reimbursement) because each successive government refuses to treat them as public functionaries, deserving of dignity in their work? Where for several decades the bulk of this country’s resources have been misallocated towards defense and defense-related expenditures, and luxuries for the ruling elite, what court system can deliver justice in these circumstances? More importantly, is it even reasonable to have this expectation when the civil-military imbalance has resulted in complete disintegration of all civilian institutions? And finally, with constant interference in the judiciary, brazen flouting of court orders, and intimidation of judges, by the military establishment, are we really to expect that those who dismantled our civilian structure will adhere to fair trial and due process guarantees in a system run entirely on their whims and wishes?

When the ordinary criminal law punishes arson, rioting and attacks on public property, there is no cogent reason why these offenses should be tried in anti-terror courts or by court martial.

There is no dispute over the poor functioning of our ordinary courts, however, military courts are not – and can never be – a solution to the problem because they are in fact an illustration of the State’s skewed priorities that have caused the problem in the first place. It is truly baffling why the civilian government is insistent on defending what is glaringly unconstitutional. Is the desire to completely dismantle and punish the PTI really greater than the desire for civilian supremacy? And is that desire to dismantle still greater than the desire for self-preservation of civilians/politicians in the long run?

Amidst all the propaganda and miscalculated defense of military court trials of civilians, it is pertinent to remember that when the ordinary criminal law protects against, and punishes, arson, rioting and attacks on public property, there is no cogent reason why these offenses should be tried in anti-terror courts or by court martial. To do so is also contrary to law settled by the Supreme Court of Pakistan, and in contravention of Article 4 of the Constitution, as held in the Waris Ali Case (2017 SCMR 1572): “The phrase ‘to be treated in accordance with law’ includes that every citizen must be dealt with according to law applicable to him, subject of course to the facts and circumstances of the case. If any citizen is triable under the ordinary penal law of the land, then treating him harshly under special law, not clearly applicable to him, would be a violation of the command of the Constitution.” 

Unfortunately however, the theater of the absurd continues in Pakistan as the climate of fear is at an all-time high. Politicians scramble to snatch the polish out of each other’s hands while the boots reward such servility by momentarily lifting their weight off the polisher’s neck. Tomorrow, each one of the politicians knows that the might of the boot will once again endanger their very own existence, but the choice is pettiness and vengefulness over reason. The delight of watching their opponents suffer (like they suffered in the past) is too good an opportunity to miss. And so it goes on and on, but real power (and exercise of that power with impunity) remains with the military establishment. 

Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir

The writer is an Islamabad-based lawyer and human rights activist.

The post Trial By Firing Squad: Prosecuting Civilians in Military Courts is Unconstitutional appeared first on Dissent Today.

On May 26, 2019, a large number of PTM protestors had gathered near the Kharqamar checkpost under the leadership of MNAs Mohsin Dawar and Ali Wazir to protest the alleged beating up of a woman by the military and other human rights abuses in the area.

However, the military had opened fire on the PTM workers, claiming they were attacking the checkpost. As a result, 16 protestors were killed while several others were injured.

Later, an FIR was registered at the Counter-Terrorism Department (CTD) Police Station, Bannu Range, against several PTM workers for allegedly attacking the checkpost.

Senior PTM members and MNAs Mohsin Dawar and Ali Wazir were nominated in the case along with others under different sections of the Pakistan Penal Code, Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance and Section 7 of the Anti-Terrorism Act.

MNAs Mohsin Dawar and Ali Wazir were arrested on the charges.

The eyewitnesses’ account dismissed the military’s narrative and maintained that protestors were unarmed.

The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government which was in power in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa at the time defended actions of the military.

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PTM chief Manzoor Pashteen tweeted that five workers associated with the social movement for Pashtun rights were arrested by the police during a rally in Kohat.

The PTM chief said the police baton-charged the participants of the rally.

The arrested workers include: Haji Abdul Samad, Javaid Khattak, Bilal Orakzai, Aftab Shinwari, and Irshad.

کوہاٹ میں دھشتگردی کےخلاف آج ہونے والے مظاہرے پر ریاستی اداروں کا حملہ۔
PTM رہنماء حاجی عبدالصمد،جاوید خٹک،بلال اورکزئی،آفتاب شینواری,ارشاد گرفتار جبکہ مظاہرین پر لاٹھی چارج۔
کوہاٹ میں ضلعی انتظامیہ پر وہاں کے ISI آفیسرز کا مسلسل دباؤ کہ دھشتگردی مخالف کرداروں کو ٹارچر کیا جائے۔

— Manzoor Pashteen (@ManzoorPashteen) May 19, 2023

People in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have been holding protests in various parts of the province against the resurgence of terrorism since the last few months.

Earlier, a blast in an office of the Counter Terrorism Department (CTD) in the Swat’s Kabal area claimed 17 lives. Five  Shia teachers were killed in an attack at a school in the Kurram district of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

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Gulalai Ismail’s father, professor Muhammad Ismail, aged 69, is a prominent member of Pakistani civil society and a human rights defender.

The court was set to announce the verdict in an earlier hearing, however, the verdict was postponed until February 15th.

Today Peshawar anti-terrosim court will announce the verdict of the malafide sedition&terrorism case against my parents. The case was registered in July2019 and my parents were acquitted in August2020. A month later the case was reopened and my parents put on a torturous trial. https://t.co/PK4LMpAKdh

— Gulalai Ismail ګلالۍاسماعیل (@Gulalai_Ismail) February 15, 2023

A slew of cases was registered against professor Ismail and his wife after daughter Gulalai Ismail had gone into hiding in 2019 amid a growing crackdown against the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement leaders.

At the time, Gulalai Ismail was nominated in a case in Islamabad for allegedly defaming state institutions and inciting violence through a speech delivered in a demonstration against the sexual abuse and killing of a minor girl.

Gulalai Ismail is currently living in self-exile in the US.

Earlier in another case, an anti-terrorism court also acquitted the family of terrorism charges due to lack of evidence.

Human Rights Activists Welcome Acquittal: 

National Democratic Movement (NDM) member Khushal Khan Khattak said: “Great news! Parents of @NDM_Official leader @Gulalai_Ismail have been acquitted by ATC in Peshawar. They had been charged with sedition, conspiracy against state, terrorism and terror financing. Congratulations to @ProfMIsmail and his wife!”

Great news! Parents of @NDM_Official leader @Gulalai_Ismail have been acquitted by ATC in Peshawar. They had been charged with sedition, conspiracy against state, terrorism and terror financing. Congratulations to @ProfMIsmail and his wife! pic.twitter.com/tHgbJY6ZNH

— Khushal Khan (@Khushal_Khattak) February 15, 2023

Lawyer and activist Nighat Dad said: “Finally Gulalai_Ismail parents are acquitted from wrongful accusations and Ali Wazir is released too. No family should go through the trauma what their families had to face in last couple of years. Congrats to all those who have been persistent in raising their plight.”

Finally @Gulalai_Ismail parents are acquitted from wrongful accusations and Ali Wazir is released too. No family should go through the trauma what their families had to face in last couple of years. Congrats to all those who have been persistent in raising their plight. pic.twitter.com/EBTPaHoPNK

— Nighat Dad (@nighatdad) February 15, 2023

NDM leader Mohsin Dawar said: “Congratulations to Prof M Ismail and his wife, parents of @NDM_Official leader @Gulalai_Ismail, who have been acquitted by the ATC in Peshawar in the fake case filed against them. They have been harassed and persecuted for far too long. Their resolve remains unshaken.”

Congratulations to @ProfMIsmail and his wife, parents of @NDM_Official leader @Gulalai_Ismail, who have been acquitted by the ATC in Peshawar in the fake case filed against them. They have been harassed and persecuted for far too long. Their resolve remains unshaken. pic.twitter.com/8VxaE3vI0E

— Mohsin Dawar (@mjdawar) February 15, 2023

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Ali Wazir is finally released.
“They said that I should apologise but let me tell them that my body and flesh will melt and my bones will be buried but I will never apologise”- his words last year outside the parliament. He kept his word. He won. Ego lost. Here’s to freedom! pic.twitter.com/vtqYOqxZni

— Syed Muzammil Shah (@SyedMuzammilOFL) February 14, 2023

The Peshawar High Court had earlier granted bail to Ali Wazir in a sedition case and also stopped the provincial police from arresting the lawmaker in other cases. On February 9th, the lawmaker’s release orders were issued, however, he was still kept in police custody,    drawing condemnation from politicians, and human rights activists.

Human rights defenders welcomed his release.

#WelcomeAliWazir pic.twitter.com/9J4XL5BIsv

— Rahim Dawar (@RahimDwr) February 14, 2023

Excellent news! @Aliwazirna50 has finally been released. #WelcomeAliWazir pic.twitter.com/WprhcrJxRm

— Khushal Khan (@Khushal_Khattak) February 14, 2023

Journalist Murtaza Ali Shah said: “Pashtun leader Ali Wazir MNA comes out of jail smiling after 2 years of illegal arrest and captivity.”

Pashtun leader Ali Wazir MNA comes out of jail smiling after 2 years of illegal arrest and captivity #WelcomeAliWazir pic.twitter.com/YtB5Rusthf

— Murtaza Ali Shah (@MurtazaViews) February 14, 2023

Politician Bushra Gohar said: “Welcome!!! A case should be registered against those who filed fake cases against #MNA #AliWazir & kept him in jail for more than 2 years, depriving his constituency of representation in Parliament. #Article6 #RestoreDemocracy”

Welcome!!! A case should be registered against those who filed fake cases against #MNA #AliWazir & kept him in jail for more than 2 years, depriving his constituency of representation in Parliament. #Article6 #RestoreDemocracy https://t.co/uTblj3Ayhy

— Bushra Gohar (@BushraGohar) February 14, 2023

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“Ali Wazir is finally released after more than 2 years of unjust incarceration, and 11 false cases. He was punished for demanding an end to impunity. — Congratulations to Wazir, his family and the constituents of NA-50,” said a social media user.

.@Aliwazirna50 is finally released after more than 2 years of unjust incarceration, and 11 false cases. He was punished for demanding an end to impunity. — Congratulations to Wazir, his family and the constituents of NA-50.

Photo via @Khushal_Khattak pic.twitter.com/PLcesnyczb

— Rabia Mehmood – رابعہ (@Rabail26) February 14, 2023

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