Sajid Turi, an erstwhile member of the National Assembly from Parachinar, told Dissent Today that many individuals involved in the violence did not sign the agreement. “I have no confidence in this agreement,” he said, adding that the provincial government showed little interest in developing a durable solution to the conflict.

Violent clashes between tribes stemming from longstanding land disputes have claimed at least 130 lives since November. According to sources, the actual death toll may be higher than reported, as several targeted attacks have claimed lives since the start of the conflict. 

The area has also witnessed a humanitarian crisis, with more than 100 children dying due to a shortage of food and medical supplies amid a blockade of the road that connects Parachinar to the rest of the country.

Following the agreement, the highway is expected to open soon, and the first convoy of food and medical supplies since the peace deal would be sent to the area by the Parachinar Trade Union. The provincial governments of Sindh and Balochistan, along with the Red Crescent Society of Pakistan, also contributed humanitarian aid for the first convoy.

Turi, who is the Vice President of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, states that similar agreements between tribes have been made in the past, but they only provided temporary respite from clashes and failed to ensure lasting peace.

‘Taliban involved in Parachinar violence’

While the crisis in Parachinar was largely perceived as a sectarian issue between the Shia and Sunni communities in the area, Turi argues that there is more than meets the eye. “The Taliban and the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-KP) are active in the area,” he said, adding that militants from these groups have been exploiting sectarian differences by pressuring Sunni community leaders to side with them.

“Taliban militants have prevented Sunni representatives from signing peace agreements on numerous occasions because they want the clashes to continue,” Turi says. He further claimed that militants from the Islamic State and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have an active presence in Lower Kurram, extending up to the Alizai town.

According to a recent report by an Islamabad-based think tank, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa recorded the highest number of terrorist attacks in the country in 2024, with 295 attacks. Attacks carried out by the TTP killed about 300 people during the year.

Attacks by ISIS-K that employ roadside bomb tactics have also increased in the province in recent months. In August, the group claimed responsibility for at least two attacks on Pakistan military personnel in the Khyber and Bajaur districts.

Turi says the authorities are trying to cover up the involvement of the Taliban and Islamic State in the violence in Kurram by presenting it solely as a sectarian issue. “Because Parachinar is a Shia-majority area, it is easy for them to portray the issue as a sectarian one and conceal the involvement of the Taliban,” he says.

On Tuesday, a Christian man who was mistaken for a Shia was beheaded by anti-Shia extremists in Kurram, with graphic images of his severed head circulating on social media. Turi says that the manner in which he was killed makes it clear that either the Taliban or the Islamic State was behind the incident.

In response to a question, Turi said that Parachinar and Kurram need a permanent solution to the issue, which requires the state to establish its authority in the region. “We urge the Pakistan Army to take action against the militants who have taken over our area,” he said.

A spokesperson for the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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TTP has specifically warned Dawn News and Ary News for running “propaganda” against the militant group.

In a statement, spokesperson of proscribed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), has warned Pakistani media, specifically @Dawn_News & @ARYNEWSOFFICIAL that group will “review” its policy towards them if they do not stop what TTP considers to be propaganda against their organization.

— Naimat Khan (@NKMalazai) May 6, 2023

In a statement released by a spokesperson of the militant group, it said the group would “review” their policies against Pakistani media if they don’t stop running “propaganda” against them.

In 2021 as well, the proscribed TTP had issued a similar warning to national me­dia and journalists, asking them to refrain from calling them a “terrorist outfit” or they will be treated as enemies.

Pakistan has witnessed a resurgence of terrorism with the outlawed TTP targeting security officials particularly.

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According to the police, the two suspects on a motorbike hurled a grenade at the PTCL’s building and fled the scene.

According to Dawn, no casualties were reported as a result of the attack.

Earlier, a Balochistan CTD official was killed in an explosion targeting his vehicle.

The station house officer (SHO) of the Khuzdar Counter-Terrorism Department (CTD) police station, identified as Sharbat Khan Umrani, was killed in a blast targeting his vehicle.

Pakistan has witnessed a resurgence of terrorism with the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) targeting security officials particularly.

TTP is supported by the Taliban-led Afghan government.

According to a report,  at least 120 policemen have been killed and 333 were injured in various attacks this year from January to April in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

In January, a blast in Peshawar mosque inside a police compound claimed the lives of more than 60 people. The TTP claimed responsibility for one of the deadliest blasts in the city. Last month a police station in Peshawar was also targeted, resulting in three deaths. Meanwhile, the day after the deadly Peshawar attack, Punjab police thwarted an attack on a police station in Mianwali.

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ANP filed the petition through advocates Babar Khan Yousafzai and Khizar Hayat Khazana.

The petitioner also made other officials of Imran Khan-led government, including former Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister Mahmood Khan, and former special assistant to chief minister Barrister Mohammad Ali Saif, respondents.

The ANP provincial president also requested the court to form a committee to investigate the alleged resettlement of militants in Pakistan. The results of the probe committee should be made public, he said.

He said the government had made considerable progress in eliminating terrorism from the country. However, after Imran Khan came to power, he constantly made statements regarding the resettlement of trained militants from Afghanistan into Pakistan.

The petition added the resettlement could not have been made possible without the involvement of the former ISI chief.

Pakistan has witnessed a resurgence of terrorism with the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban (TTP) targeting security officials in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

TTP is supported by the Taliban-led Afghan government.

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A fake screenshot of journalist Saleem Safi’s tweet is being circulated on social media, saying that Moshin Dawar, National Democratic Movement’s founder, and his colleagues faced an assassination attempt when they were on their way to Peshawar from Islamabad.

However, Khushal Khan Khattak, who is also a member of the NDM, rubbished the report, saying that the lawmaker is safe.

“Please verify before sharing further. There was no attack,” he added.

There are fake screenshots of fake reports circulating about an attack on @mjdawar. He is safe and is alright. Please verify before sharing further. There was no attack. pic.twitter.com/240siIL7nl

— Khushal Khan (@Khushal_Khattak) April 20, 2023

This is a fake screenshot. Someone took the time to make this fake screenshot of @SaleemKhanSafi to spread this fake news. Beyond shameful.

— Khushal Khan (@Khushal_Khattak) April 20, 2023

Earlier, the Defence Ministry submitted a report to the Supreme Court, fearing all the worst-case scenarios if general elections are held on May 14 in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa assemblies, including an all-out war with India, threats from the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and IS fighters returning to Pakistan from several countries.

The report also claimed that several threats have been received against senior leaders of political parties, while warning of possible clashes between supporters of political parties.

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The ministry submitted the report to the Supreme Court along with an application to withdraw its election-date order on Tuesday, fearing all sorts of dangers if the elections in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa assemblies are held on May 14 as per the top court’s instructions.

Dawn reported that the Defence Ministry feared that the provincial polls could lead to internal instability and charged political environment. These situations might encourage foreign threats to further destabilise the region, including India’s foreign intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) taking benefit of the situation. The RAW could exploit ethnic issues in the country and exacerbate water disputes and other issues.

The report also warned of a spike in terrorism since, it said, several fighters from Islamic State (IS) group and other outfits were returning to Pakistan from Syria, Yemen and the Middle East. The report added that sleeper cells of terrorist elements were active in Punjab, especially in south Punjab, and even in Islamabad.

The report also claimed that several threats have been received against senior leaders of political parties, while warning of possible clashes between supporters of political parties.

The report also feared an all-out war with India as the neighbouring country could try to exploit internal instability in the country arising due to the politically charged environment amid polls.

However, the report hoped that the situation would improve in six to eight months due to recent understanding among China, Pakistan, Iran and Afgha­nistan to counter terrorism.

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According to the National Security Committee, a nationwide operation will be launched against the militant group.

Some analysts believe the government wants to delay the provincial elections, therefore, they have decided to launch the operation, Reuters reported.

The announcement comes as the country is in danger of defaulting on its debt with an International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout programme stalled since November last year.

Once the deal with IMF is signed, the lender will disburse a tranche of more than $1 billion from the $6.5 billion bailout agreed to in 2019, which will serve as a lifeline for the cash-strapped country.

The last military operation cost the country billions of dollars.

The country is also facing a political crisis after Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf chief Imran Khan’s ouster from the Prime Minister’s Office.

Pakistan has recently seen a resurgence of terrorism with the TTP targeting police officials in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Earlier, a blast in Peshawar mosque inside a police compound claimed the lives of more than 60 people. The TTP claimed responsibility for one of the deadliest blasts in the city. Last month a police station in Peshawar was also targeted, resulting in three deaths. Meanwhile, the day after the deadly Peshawar attack, Punjab police thwarted an attack on a police station in Mianwali.

On February 17th, three militants from the TTP stormed into Karachi police headquarters, leading to an hour-long operation. During the operation, three militants were killed while two policemen, one Rangers official, and a civilian embraced martyrdom.

According to a report by Reuters, the banned TTP is targeting Pakistan’s military and police while using sophisticated weapons, including weapons from the stock left behind by Western forces when they exited Afghanistan in 2021.

TTP is supported by the Taliban-led Afghan government.

News Desk

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The recent debate on “re-imagining Pakistan” has once again turned a spotlight, among others, on the long-running conflict in Balochistan. The Baloch ethno-nationalist movement remains the most intractable challenge to national integration. It has been marked by on-again-off-again resort to armed struggle alternated with phases of non-violent political struggle. The latest wave of conflict is the longest and most complex in form and nature.

Overview of the conflict landscape:

While the ongoing conflict has intermittently generated debate in mainstream media, it is focused on symptoms, rather than systemic drivers of the conflict. It is imperative to first map the conflict landscape, analyse and identify the systemic drivers of under-development and conflict and then explore potential solutions that can help the region break out of the poverty and conflict trap.

To begin with, it is worth emphasising that the conflict landscape in Balochistan has become increasingly complex over the years. On the one hand, there is a low-scale ethnic insurgency concentrated mainly in southern Balochistan. On the other hand, sectarian and religious militancy in northern and central Balochistan continue to pose a threat to peace and stability. Over the past decade, the Islamic State has also established a footprint in the province and built alliances with sectarian groups and splinter groups of TTP. The latter is responsible for some of the most deadly attacks carried out in the province in the last few years. The biggest systemic drivers of religious and sectarian militancy include a pro-Taliban Afghan policy, a double-faced national security policy, existence of a vast madrassah infrastructure, and presence of bigotry and hate content in educational curricula.

The Baloch ethnic conflict is significantly different in nature from the sectarian and religious militancy. While both involve ideational motives, the latter seeks to implement by coercive means a reactionary and retrogressive interpretation of religion against the will of the majority, whereas the former is striving for carving an autonomous political entity out of the existing political system, which they view as an incorrigibly authoritarian and majoritarian state dominated by the Punjabi elites. Unlike religious militancy, the Baloch ethnic conflict is fuelled by a popularly-held, genuine grievance about a history of brutal use of force and exploitation of natural resources by the State.

From an institutional perspective, the Baloch ethno-nationalist conflict is mainly a reaction to Pakistan’s authoritarian political system, centralized and majoritarian federal structure and an exclusivist approach to nation-building.

While the role of centralization of powers, authoritarianism and flawed approach to nation-building are widely acknowledged in academic debate on ethnic tensions in Pakistan, the role of majoritarian federal design is seldom understood.

Pakistan’s current majoritarian federal design makes Balochistan the least rewarding political constituency for political parties aspiring to come to power at the federal level. It offers little to no incentive to these parties to care about the province. This primarily explains why successive governments in Islamabad have tended to remain indifferent about Balochistan. Moreover, the Senate and Council of Common Interests (CCI), the supposedly majority-constraining institutions, have been ineffective in enabling smaller provinces like Balochistan to block policies or legislations that may impinge upon their rights.

Way forward:

The restoration of durable peace in the province requires a holistic but differentiated strategy.

Tackling religious and sectarian militancy requires a fundamental shift in our national security policy and Afghan policy. Externally, the decades-old pro-Taliban Afghan policy needs to be reviewed and revised in favour of a more balanced and progressive policy.

Taliban are unlikely to ensure sustained peace and stable political order in Afghanistan. Our security thinkers need to appreciate that the resurgence of TTP is, and shall remain, an inevitable outcome of ascendance to power of the Taliban in Kabul. With the Taliban in power in Kabul, durable peace is unlikely to be established in Pakistan, especially in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Similarly, at the domestic front, it is high time to adopt a policy of zero tolerance and indiscriminate action against sectarian and religious militant outfits.

The Baloch ethnic conflict merits a different strategy. The key takeaway from the nearly 19-year-long insurgency is that repressive measures and cosmetic development packages have both failed to bring the disaffected Baloch into the political mainstream. There is no denying that hard and kinetic measures have succeeded in temporarily curbing the intensity of the Baloch insurgency. However, the persistence and resurgence of violent conflict proves that a security-centric approach alone cannot deliver peace. Here is what the government needs to do to find a sustainable solution to the Baloch conflict:

First, the government should prepare a comprehensive strategy for reaching out to Baloch insurgents. This strategy should entail the engagement of credible political voices to lead negotiations, offer substantial concessions and implement confidence-building measures (CBMs) such as stopping military operations, withdrawing the FC from certain areas, releasing all Baloch missing persons and compensating the families of those killed extra-judicially. Mere offers of amnesty or exhortations to abandon violence won’t work.

Pakistan’s current majoritarian federal design makes Balochistan the least rewarding political constituency for political parties aspiring to come to power at the federal level. It offers little to no incentive to these parties to care about the province.

The military establishment’s support is a must for the proposed reconciliation efforts to make headway. The military needs to appreciate that a hard approach alone will ensure only temporary peace at best and that a low-level insurgency can continue almost indefinitely no matter what security measures are taken. The low-level violence is enough to put the state on the defensive, draw international attention and unsettle foreign investors. Previous efforts to reconcile Baloch insurgents failed because, 1) ) repression went hand in hand with reconciliation efforts, and 2) those leading the process had little credibility or freedom to make meaningful offers.

Moreover, the state should also be willing to abandon patronage of the cadre of artificial leaders it has propped up over the decades, notably tribal sardars. These people are the main beneficiaries of the conflict and, therefore, have an interest in its continuation. This State-Sardar alliance has also had a negative impact on development and service delivery outcomes.

Secondly, the following policy options need to be considered for diluting the majoritarian federal design. First, the option of introducing a minority veto can be explored. A minority veto would enable parliamentarians from Balochistan to block legislations in Parliament that they deem harmful for the people of the province. Minority veto can take multiple forms and is in place in a number of ethnically-diverse and conflict-affected countries including Northern Ireland, Kosovo, Belgium, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Alternatively, the option of assigning the Senate co-equal powers with the National Assembly in all matters should be considered and the current method of indirect election may be replaced with direct elections. A directly-elected and powerful Senate is likely to incentivise country-wide parties to take serious interest in Balochistan. This will in turn induce more political competition and bring technical expertise and experience to the province. Besides, enhanced powers of the Senate will give smaller provinces like Balochistan more say in decision-making at the federal level.

Furthermore, in order to ensure the effective operationalization of CCI, the position of Deputy Prime Minister can be created with the specific mandate to head the CCI and look after matters specified in Federal Legislative List II.

Thirdly, concrete steps need to be taken to ensure Baloch control over their natural and coastal resources. In this respect:

A statutory commission or authority, like IRSA, may be constituted with the mandate to ensure the effective implementation of Articles 172(3) and 158 of the Constitution. This body should replace the existing Federal Directorate of petroleum and gas. Only the federalization of institutional structures governing oil and gas will ensure provinces their due share in the ownership, management, and revenues of oil and gas resources. Balochistan’s concerns with regard to the pricing, taxation and distribution of its natural gas should be addressed on priority basis.

Ownership of the Saindak copper-gold project should be transferred to the Balochistan government as committed under the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package.

The Reko Diq agreement should be made public. The establishment of a refinery in the province should be ensured. A Chagai foundation with a corporate management and board must be established. At its disposal must be CSR funds, two per cent of the company’s profits, two percent of federal profits and half of the royalty payments to ensure the socioeconomic uplift of the local community. Lastly, a Sovereign Wealth Fund out of the expected revenue inflows from Reko Diq should be created.

As far as China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is concerned, Islamabad must adopt a more inclusive development approach prioritizing the basic rights, dignity and development needs of the local people, respecting the marine ecosystem and promoting local livelihoods. Unnecessary check posts must be abolished and drinking water projects should be expedited. A public sector company should be created to harness the potential of desalination and reverse osmosis technology along the coastal belt. Balochistan should be given a share in revenues from the Gwadar port.

Fourthly, well-designed and targeted interventions are needed to alleviate poverty and mitigate the adverse impact of fencing the border on livelihoods.

One of the most important takeaways from the past decades is that the traditional model of growth (i.e. trickle-down economics) and development (i.e. promote human development and livelihoods through public investments in physical and social infrastructure) have failed to achieve the desired results in Balochistan. Although the political and fiscal decentralization introduced by the 18th Amendment has improved local participation in the economic and political sphere, these gains have been undermined by the highly exclusive, and thus fragile, nature of political settlement at the provincial level. High degree of State-led political engineering over the years has facilitated the dominance of the political stage by a group of artificial and more pliant leaders, who are unaccountable to the public at large and use development funds to accumulate wealth, reward their patrons and strengthen clientelistic networks. The cumulative result is that socio-economic outcomes have remained stagnant largely despite massive public spending.

As far as CPEC is concerned, Islamabad must adopt a more inclusive development approach prioritizing the basic rights, dignity and development needs of the local people, respecting the marine ecosystem and promoting local livelihoods.

It is high time to revisit the traditional approach to development in favour of a more targeted and direct approach, consisting predominantly of cash or in-kind transfers to citizens. In this regard, the small population size of the province is good news from the perspective of poverty alleviation and social protection. Nearly 71% of Balochistan’s 1.75 million households live in multi-dimensional poverty. The government should consider providing guaranteed minimum basic income to the entire poor population of the province (1.2 million households approximately). The financial burden would be far less than is usually imagined.

For instance: the estimated cost of extending BISP to the entire poor households of Balochistan is nearly PKR 30 Billion, which is peanuts when compared with the large amount of funds spent by the federal and provincial governments on physical infrastructure and law and order. The law and order expenditures of the provincial government are progressively increasing and currently amount to PkR 60 Billion. Similarly, the development funds allocated informally to MPAs and MNAs by the provincial and federal government exceed PkR 80 Billion. We not only need to streamline and rationalize the chaotic plethora of MPA and MNA schemes but also redirect a portion of these as direct transfers to the people.

A formal border trade gateway with all allied facilities and necessary trade logistics needs to be opened up in each district along Balochistan’s borders with Iran and Afghanistan. This will promote local livelihoods and boost regional trade.

Rafiullah Kakar

The writer is a public policy and development professional from Balochistan. He is currently serving as Member (Social Sector & Devolution) at the Planning Commission of Pakistan. He has served in public and international organisations in the UK and Pakistan. He holds two Masters Degrees from the University of Oxford and is a Rhodes Scholar.

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The court had issued non-bailable arrest warrants for the ex-premier after the PTI chief repeatedly failed to appear before the court. However, PTI chief and former prime minister Imran Khan has been holed up in his home in Zaman Park, Lahore.

When the police reached Imran Khan’s Zaman Park residence in Lahore to arrest him on Tuesday, they were met with resistance, leading to two-day pitched battles between PTI supporters and law enforcement agencies. The clashes ultimately subsided after the courts intervened on Wednesday.

On Thursday evening, Hamid Mir tweeted that “this is Iqbal Khan who was associated with TTP and was in jail following his arrest”.

“Lt Gen (r) Faiz Hameed got him released from the jail under the garb of peace talks and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Mehmood Khan made him part of the PTI and these days he is in Zaman Park Lahore,” he added.

یہ ہیں مولانا اقبال خان جو پہلے تحریک طالبان پاکستان سے وابستہ تھے اور گرفتاری کے بعد جیل کاٹ رہےتھے پھر انکو جنرل فیض حمید نے امن مذاکرات کی آڑ میں رہائی دلائی وزیراعلیٰ محمود خان انہیں تحریک انصاف میں لائے اور آجکل وہ زمان پارک لاہور میں ہوتے ہیں ⁦@iaqeelyousafzai⁩ pic.twitter.com/Zcti88ca4A

— Hamid Mir حامد میر (@HamidMirPAK) March 16, 2023

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In Tank’s Kot Azam area, terrorists opened fire at a police van deployed for the security of census staff while it was returning from a village. As a result, constable Khan Nawab was killed, while police constables Shah Nawaz and Aslam Khan, Levies official Bismillah, Frontier Constabulary official Abdullah and driver Eid Jan were reported to be injured.

The injured were shifted to DHQ hospital.

Same day in another militant attack on a census team, a Frontier Reserve Police (FRP) police constable was killed in Pirwala area of the Lakki Marwat district when motorcyclists opened fire at the census team.

Meanwhile, a member of the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was gunned down in a joint operation in Dera Ismail Khan, according to police.

Last month, a policeman was killed and four other personnel got injured in a TTP attack on a police van deployed to provide security to the census team in the limits of Daraban Police Station.

The attacks come amid a resurgence of terrorism in the country.

Earlier, a blast in Peshawar mosque inside a police compound claimed the lives of more than 60 people. The TTP claimed responsibility for one of the deadliest blasts in the city. Last month a police station in Peshawar was also targeted, resulting in three deaths. Meanwhile, the day after the deadly Peshawar attack, Punjab police thwarted an attack on a police station in Mianwali.

On February 17th, three militants from the outlawed TTP stormed into Karachi police headquarters, leading to an hour-long operation. During the operation, three militants were killed while two policemen, one Rangers official, and a civilian embraced martyrdom.

According to a report by Reuters, the banned TTP is targeting Pakistan’s military and police while using sophisticated weapons, including weapons from the stock left behind by Western forces when they exited Afghanistan in 2021.

TTP is supported by the Taliban-led Afghan government.

News Desk

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